This thesis investigates how the level of democratic values differs between active members of different civil society organizations. Civil society has been considered a fundamental aspect of democracy and research have highlighted that some organizational characteristics are associated with democratization and sustainable democracy. However, variations in democratic values at the individual level, disparities between members of different civil society organizations, and the connection to democracy have to some extent been overlooked. This study investigates the nuanced relationship between organizational membership and democratic values across eight African countries using data from the World Value SurveyWave 7. This thesis focuses on exploring the disparities in democratic values among members of quotidian civil society organizations (QCSOs) which have been found to significantly contribute to democratization, compared to members of human rights civil society organizations (HRCSOs) where such significance is not observed. The research employs linear regression analysis to uncover subtle yet statistically significant differences. The findings indicate a marginal but noteworthy distinction in democratic values between active members of QCSOs and HRCSOs. This study highlights the importance of recognizing individual level differences in understanding the diverse landscape of civil society and its relation to democracy.

In this paper I present a discourse analysis on the narrative and depiction of the Russia developmental, diplomatic, and military cooperation advancements in the African continent in Western media, and its consequences on the general public. Through the analysis of 31 articles from 8 different newspapers from Italy, Sweden, the UK, and the US, and through the theoretical lens of theories of Western media and the phenomenon of othering and orientalism, I reach the conclusion that Western narrative regarding Russia’s advancements in Africa changes based on whether Russia is perceived as succeeding or failing, with a constant undertext that the West is not happy about eventual deepening relations between Russia and the continent. This narrative is reinforced by the use of othering, however othering is used in a strategical way, based on what the author wants to convey.

The issue with achieving a balance between a stable democratization process and peacebuilding is an ongoing difficulty. Scholars argue that the long-term effects are not properly considered when constructing a peace accord and is affecting the process of nation-rebuilding. The integrationalist and consociationalist perspectives, two major strands within this field, disagree on the point of incorporating ethnicities in the political arena, in which both parties argue that the outcome is negative for a state's developmental process.  An analysis of state reports conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the cases´ peace accords, will be conducted using Freedom Houses indicators for political rights. This is to observe if there is a difference in efficiency between the two perspectives and to what degree it can be mirrored in the level of political rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The Most Similar System Design is used to isolate the similar variables that the two case countries share in order to compare a possible difference in the level of political rights. The results show that there is a difference seen from the start to the end point for both cases, as well as a difference in the level of political rights between the two. This lines up with the findings of present scholars on this topic thus amplifying the need for more research to be conducted.

Should a democracy defend itself against disinformation? This paper investigates how thedebate surrounding this issue is conducted in Taiwan during the buildup to the two mostrecent elections, in 2020 and 2024. This is done by a systematic text analysis that categorizesarticles in to two different frames based on the two sides of the ‘disinformation-dilemma’.The material analyzed is newspaper articles from the Taiwanese newspaper Taipei Times thatwere published in the year leading up to the elections and included statements fromTaiwanese politicians on the subject. The results show that disinformation, in 2020, wasframed as a necessary evil, and democracy should not be limited to protect it. In 2024,however, it was framed as a threat to democracy and that measures must be taken to defendit. This provides us with a good understanding of how the Taiwanese debate has looked, andalso changed, over time.

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Strategic narratives are vital for states to frame issues, goals, and preferences to convey a rationale for military actions in global conflicts. Russia’s warfare in Ukraine, coupled with the rise of Telegram as an independent information platform, has fostered the rise of military bloggers within the Kremlin-controlled media ecosystem. This thesis explores the role and functioning of these military bloggers in shaping strategic narratives during the Russo-Ukraine war. To do so, the thesis compares three critical junctures in the war as case studies using a mixed-methods approach. The thesis has found that milblogs operate within a pre-determined strategic narrative framework outlined by the Kremlin. The findings further indicate that while operating within this frame, the Telegram operators have the capacity to shape strategic narratives and, at times, are the driving force behind the official narrative production. The study provides new insights into the Russian information environment by shedding light on the milbloggers' roles as legitimators, amplifiers, and, at times, opposition. While de-monopolizing the information environment to include milbloggers has served the Kremlin well so far in the war, giving up power might pose severe problems for the Kremlin in the future, potentially impacting the outcome of the war in the long run.

This thesis investigates how New Urbanism principles are used in Swedish policy documents to further urban sustainable development. Given the contested nature of New Urbanism theory, this thesis aims to examine its prevalence within the Swedish context, particularly considering Sweden's forefront position in sustainable development. This is investigated comparatively through interpreting policy documents from Stockholm and Gothenburg municipality through four principles of New Urbanism; transit-oriented design (TOD), smart growth, urban villages and traditional neighbourhood design (TND). The findings indicate that New Urbanism principles are widely discussed in Swedish policy for urban sustainability, and that the municipalities offer different solutions, but have similar goals correlating to the theory. The most interesting find is that Gothenburg has a more critical view toward the principle TND than Stockholm. Further research is encouraged, especially as current research and discourse on New Urbanism from a Swedish context is very minimal. Further research could also explore criticism and potential achievements of the theory by assessing it empirically.

Does participation in microcredit programs lead to the empowerment of women? The answer is not clear-cut, and earlier studies report ambivalent results. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals number 5 argues for the importance of finding paths to empowerment. In order to facilitate women’s empowerment in microcredit scholars suggest the use of a credit-plus approach. The purpose of this paper is to reassess the impact of microcredit by making use of the credit-plus approach of Fundación WWB. The study is based on new primary data collected in a Minor Field Study conducted in Colombia. Through developing and testing three hypotheses I assess the impact on three dimensions of women’s empowerment: economic, social and cultural, and psychological. A mixed method approach of both OLS regressions and semi-structured interviews are applied. The results indicate that a credit-plus approach does increase the positive impact of credit on women’s financial control within the household. Yet, no significant result could be found in the case of decision-making power or self-efficiency. The paper also concludes that non-financial services per se may constitute a way to increase women empowerment.

The purpose of this essay is to explain China’s growing economic presence in Africa through a case study regarding the relationship with Kenya, as well as to highlight the specific features of this presence. In order to achieve this goal, two theoretical perspectives will be applied to examine the data. These two perspectives are the “world-systems theory” developed by Immanuel Wallerstein, and the theory of “Imperialism” as defined by Johan Galtung.     Through a textual analysis of the sources used, the essay has found that Chinese outward FDI finances projects in Africa that are commercially viable and mutually beneficial in economic terms. Research has also shown that Chinese outward FDI also attracts an alignment in voting patterns of African countries towards the Chinese in the UN General Assembly. Neither of these phenomena are consistent with the common misconception that China acts with imperialistic ambitions. Culturally, an influx of Chinese workers in Kenya have resulted in a heated debate concerning racial discord, as well as a change to working conditions within the affected African countries, defined as ‘’The Shanghai effect’’. According to the world-systems theory, the core state - in this case China, has an unequal relationship with Kenya, the peripheral state.    Our data suggests that China’s growing economic presence in Africa is not fueled by imperialistic ambitions. Therefore, we conclude that China utilises their position of being a core state with a long-term perspective - seeking and utilising mutual benefits where they can be found.

The rising number of disasters, both natural and man-made, has created a greater need for humanitarian interventions. Simultaneously, it has also created larger room for disaster capitalism, a phenomenon where certain actors use disasters to push economic interests. NGO:s are one of the main actors in post-disaster settings, which happens to be the very same sphere as the one where disaster capitalism occurs. Thus, this study will examine how NGO:s can work to counteract disaster capitalism. This is done by looking at how Swedish NGO:s implement their work and whether this is compatible with Loretta Pyles’ decolonising disaster social work framework (2017), which is deemed to contain measures which can hamper disaster capitalism. Furthermore, it also delves into NGO perception of privatisation of the humanitarian sector, which consociates with disaster capitalism, which is done by looking at how Swedish NGO:s experience the expansion of privatisations into the humanitarian sphere. The methodology is based on semi-structured interviews with representatives from a number of Swedish NGO:s active in the humanitarian sector, from which data has been qualitatively analysed. The results show, among other things, that disaster capitalism as a concept is fairly unknown among most of the NGO:s, however central aspects are recognised by many. It also shows that Swedish NGO:s are generally in line with Pyles’ framework. The dilemmas of the localisation agenda are examined, where the ambitions are high but institutional barriers hamper movement in its direction. Similarly, the pros and cons of international standards are discussed and whether these are a barrier to localisation. Resilience and the humanitarian-development nexus are highly contemporary matters and are also debated. The position towards private actors and privatisations of the humanitarian sector is contradictive, as there is a general opinion that being private and for-profit is not a problem, but also a general opinion that actors have to work on a principle-basis and not to make profit. It became clear that some scepticism is levelled at private actors from an NGO perspective. Finally, critical aspects of the humanitarian system and potential future risks are discussed, with the main concern regarding a phasing out of Western NGO:s in favour for less principle-based actors from other parts of the world.