The pivotal argument of this thesis is that, due to specific circumstances, Kosovo operates as an EU protectorate. Firstly, the political status of Kosovo deeply divides the UN members, including the major powers, which makes unilateral decisions ineffective. This implies that neither side can achieve maximalist demands, and thus further negotiations are required. Secondly, both representatives of Kosovo and Serbia expressed hope that their future is in the EU. Both sides are ready to compromise their legal and/or political status and welcome a solution under the formula: Kosovo to be independent of Serbia even if it means that Kosovo is not a sovereign state; and, Serbia not to recognise Kosovo, even if it means that Serbia loses authority over the region. Thirdly, the great powers, led by the USA and Russia, decided that the conflict and the political status of Kosovo should be facilitated by the EU. This decision, accompanied by the ICJ decision that Kosovo's solution should be sought through the EU political channels, gives the EU role of a moral agent. Finally, while the EU protects Kosovo in international affairs, it also requires from Serbia to recognise Kosovo's institutions and local autonomy.

Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon’s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon’s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart’s four consociational elements are analyzed. From these evaluations one can argue that power-sharing principles have helped Lebanon to maintain a relative calm after its civil war, but also that they have failed in generating national cohesion and a strong state. A re-emerging proposition in this study is hence that consociationalism has been both a solution and an impediment to the development of Lebanon.

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The issue with achieving a balance between a stable democratization process and peacebuilding is an ongoing difficulty. Scholars argue that the long-term effects are not properly considered when constructing a peace accord and is affecting the process of nation-rebuilding. The integrationalist and consociationalist perspectives, two major strands within this field, disagree on the point of incorporating ethnicities in the political arena, in which both parties argue that the outcome is negative for a state's developmental process.  An analysis of state reports conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the cases´ peace accords, will be conducted using Freedom Houses indicators for political rights. This is to observe if there is a difference in efficiency between the two perspectives and to what degree it can be mirrored in the level of political rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The Most Similar System Design is used to isolate the similar variables that the two case countries share in order to compare a possible difference in the level of political rights. The results show that there is a difference seen from the start to the end point for both cases, as well as a difference in the level of political rights between the two. This lines up with the findings of present scholars on this topic thus amplifying the need for more research to be conducted.

Does political power sharing foster or inhibit democratisation in post-civil war states? Previous research dedicated to the study of power sharing and democratisation has been limited to the early post-conflict period and used minimalistic definitions of democracy. This thesis uses a wider definition of democracy and hypothesise that the empowerment of elite actors from relevant communities would strengthen democratisation in the short-term, as these groups would gain a patron that could protect their democratic liberties. Meanwhile, a digression was expected in the longer term as power sharing would equip these elite patrons to avoid accountability and suppress opposition. Democracy score changes were analysed using an OLS regression on 127 cases of civil war settlement between 1945-2006. Findings suggest that political power sharing promotes democratisation in the short term. Moreover, no negative long-term effects were found. Practitioners should therefore host no hesitations against introducing political power sharing when resolving conflicts. The absence of negative long-term effects could be attributed to criticisms not recognising the different setups that power-sharing institutions can take which promote accountability. Possibly, there are also other mechanisms which facilitates interaction between elite actors and their communities at play, counterbalancing the negative effects that power sharing would otherwise entail.

Cette thèse porte sur le statut du Liban comme Etat tampon au sein de la région du Moyen-Orient. L'ambition de cette recherche est de voir comment ce petit pays est devenu le théâtre de différents enjeux régionaux et internationaux qui s'y mêlent pour se transformer en tensions internes engendrant une crise qui s'éternise et prend la forme de conflits armés récurrents. Les tensions à l’œuvre dans la scène politique libanaise sont analysées à partir des spécificités du système socio-politique du Liban, du consociationalisme qui le caractérise et du rôle de la société civile comme un acteur majeur du changement. L'analyse est articulée sur une réflexion sur les points faibles de la constitution libanaise et sur les questions soulevées par l’Accord de Taëf mais qui n’ont fait l'objet que de tentatives de solution partielles comme c'est notamment le cas pour la décentralisation et le désarmement des milices. Ce travail s'est appuyé sur une réflexion théorique sur le consociationalisme ainsi que sur l'analyse critique des travaux consacrés à la question libanaise et sur une recherche empirique à partir d'entretiens effectués avec des personnalités politiques (députés et ministres) représentant diverses confessions et partis politique libanais. L'objectif de ces entretiens est de comprendre les représentations et les approches que ces politiciens ont des questions abordées dans cette thèse.L’incapacité du Liban à retrouver sa souveraineté intégrale apparait, au terme de cette recherche comme la conséquence de la faiblesse de son système consociatif, mais aussi, et surtout, de son statut d’État tampon. Partant, les solutions envisageables, pour atteindre l'objectif d'une souveraineté pérenne du pays des cèdres, passent nécessairement par une meilleure gestion du pluralisme confessionnel et l'observation d'une véritable neutralité par rapport aux conflits de la région. / This thesis examines the buffer state that Lebanon represents in the Middle East. It shows how all regional and international projects join to create tensions, chronic crises and even armed conflicts in its territory. The analysis of the tensions that undermine the Lebanese scene is hinged on the socio-political system with emphasis on consociationalism and the role of civil society.The reflection points out the weaknesses of the Lebanese constitution, particularly highlighting the topics mentioned in the Taïf Agreement such as decentralization and disarmament of militias which are still relevant aspects ...While mobilizing theoretical and documentary sources for understanding the issues, the research was based on empirical sources: interviews conducted with politicians (Members of Parliament and Ministers) representing various religious convictions and Lebanese political parties. This field work has identified the views and approaches of these politicians about the issues.The thesis highlights the obstacles that still stand in the way of access to full sovereignty underlining the weaknesses of the consociational system in Lebanon and its buffer state status.The work led to the drafting of solutions that will enable the country to regain its full sovereignty, these solutions require the need to rethink the management of pluralism and the status of a neutral state with respect to conflicts in the region.

This paper looks to examine how the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995) was meant to create a stable, unified Bosnia and Herzegovina versus what was actually achieved. The institutional rules of Dayton were designed to check and balance the three ethnic groups, yet the country is defined by political division rather than cooperation. The international community, prescribed by Dayton to oversee and enforce Bosnia’s transition, has supported a flawed institutional design. The theories of consociationalism, centripetalism, and the prevalence of the ethno-territorial principle are used to explain how Dayton has failed in facilitating cooperation and moderation. The impact of the prolonged, involved role of the High Representative and the European Court of Human Right's 2009 case, Sejdić and Finci, are used as analysis. I argue that Dayton’s institutional design has allowed ethnic division to define BiH's political system and the prolonged intervention of the High Representative has removed incentive for local elites to cooperate.

This thesis considers the extent to which decentralisation in the Republic of Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has been effective in reducing ethnic inequalities that exacerbate social divisions and can lead to conflict. Guided by the concept of horizontal inequalities, it identifies the factors which influenced the decision to devolve responsibilities to the municipalities after 2001. It examines the particular institutional design that Macedonian decentralisation took, and demonstrates how its use of local power-sharing mechanisms was intended to address the concerns of the Albanian and Macedonian communities simultaneously. This thesis takes an integrative approach to studying the political, administrative, and fiscal dimensions of decentralisation's implementation, and considers whether the reform has indeed contributed to the reduction of inequalities between Macedonia's ethnic groups. Where decentralisation's potential has not been reached, obstacles to its successful implementation are identified. While decentralisation alone may be unable to address all of the grievances raised by the Albanian community prior to 2001, this thesis argues that the reform has the potential to address many of the horizontal inequalities that were responsible for raising inter-ethnic tensions during the 1990s. However, decentralisation in Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has only been partial, and advances in the administrative and political aspects of the reform have been undermined by limited progress in its fiscal dimension. Attempts to solve self-determination conflicts through decentralisation will fail if local self-governance exists only in form but not in substance.

The tiny nation-state of Lebanon has been marred by political instability and violence over the past 35 years. Most scholars blame the consociational structure of the bureaucratic system as the main culprit for the precarious state of the republic. It is an understatement to say that the delicate power-sharing balance divided between the Christian and Muslim sects has been one of the most detrimental elements to government stability and socioeconomic development. Underneath these sectarian affiliations, however, lie numerous patronage systems all vying for power and control over the Lebanese system. These systems not only act to support their Lebanese sectarian leader, but many have reached across the border and found the open hands of foreign powers. The actions of these foreign entities have also constituted a divisive role in undermining the unification of the nation into a cohesive and functioning state, particularly during the post-civil war time period. The end of the 15 year civil war through the passage of the National Reconciliation Accord heralded in a sense of promise for a future free of war and political mismanagement through the abolition of the consociational system. This promise, however, has yet to be fulfilled. This thesis is an examination into the role and impact of Syrian and Saudi Arabian patronage ties in the Lebanese system. By looking at the states through the actions of their clients we can come to a better understanding of both why and how the goals of Ta'if have yet to be achieved and potentially come to understand the needs facing Lebanon's future. / text

How can party system design contribute to managing ethnic relations? This thesis investigatesthe relationship between party system design and the type of nation-building efforts pursuedin a country. More specifically, whether a country allows ethnicity to be a source of politicalmobilization or not and how that relates to nation-building policies having an assimilating ora multicultural character. Departing from the debate between the integrative approach and theconsociational approach, theories of institutional design, the thesis theorizes that countriesbanning ethnic political parties are pursuing civic nationalism and should therefore havenation-building policies with an assimilating character. On the other hand, it theorizes thatcountries that do not restrict parties to form on ethnic basis will have multiculturalnation-building policies, striving for a multicultural nationalism. Using a ‘most similarsystems design’ the study investigates the nation-building policies in Kenya and Nigeria, twosimilar countries with different party system designs. It mainly investigates education policiesto look for indicators of assimilating and multicultural nation-building. Taken together, theresults show that national unity and integration is an overarching goal which overridescultural recognition in both cases. The correlation between party system design and type ofnation-building policies show to be weak since the two countries have very similar policies.However, some nuances in means to achieve national unity are found.