This paper looks to examine how the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995) was meant to create a stable, unified Bosnia and Herzegovina versus what was actually achieved. The institutional rules of Dayton were designed to check and balance the three ethnic groups, yet the country is defined by political division rather than cooperation. The international community, prescribed by Dayton to oversee and enforce Bosnia’s transition, has supported a flawed institutional design. The theories of consociationalism, centripetalism, and the prevalence of the ethno-territorial principle are used to explain how Dayton has failed in facilitating cooperation and moderation. The impact of the prolonged, involved role of the High Representative and the European Court of Human Right's 2009 case, Sejdić and Finci, are used as analysis. I argue that Dayton’s institutional design has allowed ethnic division to define BiH's political system and the prolonged intervention of the High Representative has removed incentive for local elites to cooperate.

Bakalauro baigiamajame darbe tiriamas įcentrinių ir išcentrinių žmogaus akies sakadų tikslumas. Eksperimento metu, kompiuterio ekrane, horizontalia kryptimi per penkias fiksuotas padėtis, šuoline trajektorija judėjo žalias (0,25 laipsnio diametro) taškas. Tiriamųjų paprašyta žvilgsniu sekti šį tašką. Apdorojus gautus tyrimo duomenis pastebėta, kad tos pačios amplitudės įcentrinės sakados yra tikslesnės, nei išcentrinės. / In this Bachelor thesis accuracy of the centripetal and centrifugal human eye saccades was studied. During the experiment, on the computer screen, in horizontal direction within five fixed positions, the hopping green spot (diameter of 0,25 degrees) was moving. Subjects were instructed to follow this green spot with gaze. Processing the research data reported that the centripetal saccades is more accurate than the centrifugal of the same amplitude.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:22:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Fernando Assis dos Santos.pdf: 1536485 bytes, checksum: a5ecc665cf98dff5e1e30e09968b8a13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research discusses the concept of language present in George Orwell´s book 1984 and relates it with the official concept of language of Russia during the 1920´s and 1930´s . For doing this, we chose as study object the book 1984 from which we selected newspeak as the corpus of analyses. Newspeak consists of a language system that´s is being created by the government of the plot and once it is finished and put into practice, would impeach people to have different opinions from the government and the existence of the other languages would also be impossible. The main feature of newspeak is that it is being constructed through the destruction of the current language. On the other side, we have the official Russian linguistics of the 30´s that has a similar project of destruction of the linguistic material and creation of a single universal language. Our objective in this research is to describe, analyze and interpretate through the linguistic-discursive newspeak material, the discourses that constitutes the book and establish dialogic relations between newspeak and the official russian linguistics of the 30´s, period which the book makes analogies. We inquire in this research what is the concept of language of Newspeak and the official russian linguistics of the 1920´s and 1930´s, which dialogic relations can be established between both concepts, which dialogic relations can be stablished between the newspeak lexical group that relates crime with the idea of disagreement of the government policies and the stanist society concerning the same matter and which language knowledge our dialogic relation meets. This research reconstruct some discourses about the Russian revolutionary period since the czarism regime until the great purge, it also identifies the official Russian linguistics theory of the 20´s and 30´s, and shows how 1984 materialize the discourses concerning the speech restriction policies that come from this historical period. Our methodology for the corpus´ construction was done based on the following steps; a) Describe the process of destruction of the current language; b) Identification of the term Newspeak and the terms in Newspeak through all narrative; (c) Construction of a glossary that has the definition of the words in Newspeak. Through the description of newspeak and the analyses of two linguistics marks, it was possible to realize that the human language either in life or in art, is able to create compensatory mechanisms that weakens and cancel the forces that struggles to finish with the heteroglossia that keeps the human language ideologically saturated. We also indentify the diference between the fictional language and the scientific one: the former there is not any diference between the act of uttering and the utterance, whereas the latter this difference is part of the discourse genre. This research is based on Bakhtinian´s circle theory, that discusses language through its social historical point of view. We used the concept of axiology, ideological sign, infrastructure and superstructure, monologism, dialogism, centripetal forces and centrifugal forces / Este trabalho discute o conceito de língua/linguagem em 1984 de George Orwell e relaciona esse conceito com o da linguística oficial russa das décadas de 1920/1930. Para tanto, selecionamos, especificamente, a novilíngua como corpus de pesquisa. A novilíngua consiste em um sistema linguístico elaborado pelos detentores do poder da ficção orwelliana que, quando finalizado e colocado em uso, impediria a expressão de opiniões contrárias ao regime e a existência de outras línguas. A característica central para a existência da novilíngua é a destruição da língua vigente. Ao pesquisarmos a política linguística oficial russa das décadas de 1920 e 1930, descobrimos um projeto similar de destruição das línguas existentes e de criação de uma língua única. Nosso objetivo de pesquisa, portanto, é descrever, analisar e interpretar, por meio da materialidade linguístico-discursiva da novilíngua, os discursos históricos que atravessam a obra e, a partir daí, estabelecer relações dialógicas entre o conceito de língua/linguagem de 1984 e esse mesmo conceito na linguística oficial russa das décadas de 1920/1930. Questionamos em nosso trabalho qual é o conceito de língua/linguagem da novilíngua e da linguística oficial russa das décadas de 1920/1930, quais relações dialógicas podem ser estabelecidas entre o conceito da novilíngua e esse mesmo conceito da linguística oficial russa dos anos 1930, quais relações dialógicas podem serestabelecidas entre o léxico da novilíngua, que trata o pensamento discordante ao sistema totalitário como crime, e a sociedade stalinista no que diz respeito à restrição da liberdade de expressão e quais conhecimentos sobre a linguagem humana nossa análise dialógica vai de encontro. Este estudo recupera alguns discursos que circulam sobre a história da Rússia desde o final do período czarista até o auge do expurgo stalinista, identifica a teoria linguística oficial da Rússia das décadas de 1920/1930 e mostra como a obra 1984, de Orwell, materializa os discursos advindos desse período histórico. Nossa metodologia para composição do corpus e descrição da novilíngua obedeceu à seguinte dinâmica: a) descrever o processo de destruição da língua vigente para a construção da novilíngua; b) levantamento do termo novilíngua e dos termos em novilíngua, em toda a narrativa; c) construção de um glossário que contém a definição das palavras em novilíngua. Por meio da descrição da novilíngua e da nossa respectiva análise, foi possível constatar que a linguagem humana, tanto na vida como na arte, é capaz de criar mecanismos compensatórios que atenuam e anulam as forças que querem acabar com o plurilinguísmo e assim manter a linguagem humana, mesmo sob forte coerção de sistemas políticos totalitários, pluriacentuada e ideologicamente saturada. Identificamos também a diferença entre a linguagem científica e a ficcional: na linguagem científica não há divergência entre o enunciado e a enunciação; na linguagem ficcional essa divergência é constituinte. Este trabalho está embasado pela teoria Bakhtiniana, que discute a linguagem pelo seu viés sócio-histórico ideológico. Utilizamos os conceitos de axiologia, signo ideológico, infraestrutura e superestrutura, dialogismo, forças centrípetas e centrífugas.

Toury’s first law of translation states that translation of all kinds entails standardisation and, moreover, that the more peripheral the status of a text is, the more standardised its translation will be. As such, the purpose of this essay was to investigate to what extent this holds true in the Swedish translations of the two US television hospital shows Scrubs and House M.D. Though they are both hospital shows, House M.D. – considering its unprecedented genre hybridity and unusual plot structure – is a less mainstream and, as such, more peripheral example of a hospital show than Scrubs, which is more mainstream and, consequently, has a more central position within this genre. The object of study concerned the genre-specific register shared by the two shows – i.e. the medical terminology – which was extracted together with its Swedish subtitles and analysed, mainly in terms of coupled pairs. The analysis consisted of identifying which translation strategies had been adopted in the transfer of terminology and, moreover, what these strategies had entailed in terms of semantic increase, decrease, or correspondence between the original texts and their translations. From this it was concluded that both texts were indeed standardised and, additionally, that House M.D. – as the more peripheral of the two texts – had undergone a more extensive standardisation than Scrubs – being the text holding a more central status.

The purpose of this thesis is to describe and explain the origins of centra 1 i sed unitary con st itut i ona l forms adopted at independence, with speci a 1 reference to the pre-independence period of colonial rule and the states of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. Since the states of the world are either unitary or federal, an attempt is made to distinguish the unitary constitutional form from federation by contrasting both concepts. The three states under study are identified as centralised and unitary by referring to political, historical, legal, administrative and fiscal criteria. The theoretical and practical origins and explanations for the adoption of unitary constitutional forms in the European and African context are explained. First, the theoretical origins of monism, pluralism, dualism, absolutism and sovereignty and the thoughts of a number of classical theorists are discussed. Next the practical origins, the statements and perceptions by members of African nationalist elites supportive of unitary states in Africa in the colonial and early post-colonial period are referred to, in partial exp 1 anat ion for the adoption of this con st itut i ona 1 form. British constitutional practices and precedents are also discussed. Further, to explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in Africa, the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia come under discussion. A four stage conceptual scheme devised by Etzioni and modified for the purpose of this thesis is utilised to analyse and explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe (xii) and Namibia. A variety of factors both historical and contemporary, internal and external to these countries are identified and analysed. These factors include amongst others, early settlement patterns and confiicts, British colonial practices and precedents, the perceptions and ambitions of nationalist movements and elites, relationships with neighbouring states, the climate of opinion, and the requirements of nation-building and political stability. The thesis is concluded by comparing the experiences of the three countries and, setting out several inductive propositions determining under which conditions these states adopted centralised unitary constitutional forms in preference to decentralised ones, federation or partition. Finally, the thesis is concluded by referring in a Postscript to the postindependence constitutional reassessment in the three countries concerned, the constitutional reassessment process in Africa in general, literature references to this process, and the prospects for constitutional reform on the continent. / Political Science / D. Lit. et Phil. (Politics)

Η σύγχρονη μελέτη της κεντρικής και αυτόνομης δραστηριότητας θεωρούνται χρήσιμες στην ανάδειξη της σχέσης των δύο συστημάτων και της φυγόκεντρου ανατροφοδότησης των περιφερικών αλλαγών. Στην εργασία αυτή διερευνώνται οι πιθανές σχέσεις μεταξύ κεντρικών και αυτόνομων απαντήσεων σε σωματαισθητικούς ερεθισμούς. Η ηλεκτροδερμική δραστηριότητα (ΗΔΑ) είναι δείκτης της αυτόνομης δραστηριότητας. Προκλητά δυναμικά και ΗΔΑ καταγράφονταν ταυτόχρονα έπειτα από μια σειρά ερεθισμών του μέσου νεύρου ,με τρείς διαφορετικές εντάσεις, σε έξι φυσιολογικά άτομα. Η χαμηλότερη ένταση ερεθισμού ρυθμίζονταν έτσι ώστε να μη γίνεται αντιληπτή από το άτομα. Τα επάρματα P40, P100, N200 και P300 των προκλητών δυναμικών εξήχθησαν από το καταγεγραμμένο σήμα. Μελετήσαμε το πλάτος και τον λανθάνοντα χρόνο και διερευνήσαμε την πιθανή συσχέτιση των μεγεθών αυτών της ΗΔΑ. Χρησιμοποιήσαμε την συνηθισμένη μέθοδο της μεσοποίησης (average), καθώς και την προσέγγιση των μοναδιαίων απαντήσεων, εξάγωντας τις απαντήσεις με την χρήση χωρικού φίλτρου. Το συμπαθητικό νευρικό σύστημα φαινόταν να απαντά ακόμα και σε ερεθισμούς μη αντιληπτούς από το υποκείμενο. Η φλοιική επεξεργασία των αντιληπτών και μη ερεθισμάτων όπως αποτυπώνονταν με τα επάρματα των προκλητών δυναμικών, φαίνεται να είναι όμοια και στις δύο περιπτώσεις κατά τη διάρκεια των πρώτων 40ms έπειτα από τον ερεθισμό, ενώ τα μακρά κύματα ήταν απόνατ στους μη αντιληπτούς ερεθισμούς. Τα πλάτη της ΗΔΑ και του P300 με την προσέγγιση των μοναδιαίων απαντήσεων παρουσίαζαν μια σημαντική θετική συσχέτιση. / Concurrent studies of central and autonomic activity are considered useful in elucidating the relationship between the two systems and indicating the centripetal feedback of peripheral changes. The SSR (sympathetic skin response) is one index of autonomic arousal. In our study we examine the possible relationships between central and autonomic responses to somatosensory stimuli. EPs (evoked potentials) and SSRs were simultaneously recorded during a series of electrical stimuli of median nerve in six normal adults using three different intensities of stimuli. The weakest of them was unperceived by subject. The P40, P100, N200 and P300 waves of EPs were extracted and their latencies and amplitudes were analysed in order to find correlations with those of the SSRs. We used the conventional method of signal averaging and the single trial (ST) approach, as the EP waves were subtracted by spatial filtering. Interestingly, sympathetic nervous system seemed to react even to stimuli unperceived by the subject. The cortical processing of consciously perceived and unperceived somatosensory stimuli as it was expressed by the evoked potentials seems to be identical during the first 40ms after the stimulus onset while later waves were absent for unperceived stimuli. SSR and P300 amplitude at the ST level had a positive correlation.

The purpose of this thesis is to describe and explain the origins of centra 1 i sed unitary con st itut i ona l forms adopted at independence, with speci a 1 reference to the pre-independence period of colonial rule and the states of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. Since the states of the world are either unitary or federal, an attempt is made to distinguish the unitary constitutional form from federation by contrasting both concepts. The three states under study are identified as centralised and unitary by referring to political, historical, legal, administrative and fiscal criteria. The theoretical and practical origins and explanations for the adoption of unitary constitutional forms in the European and African context are explained. First, the theoretical origins of monism, pluralism, dualism, absolutism and sovereignty and the thoughts of a number of classical theorists are discussed. Next the practical origins, the statements and perceptions by members of African nationalist elites supportive of unitary states in Africa in the colonial and early post-colonial period are referred to, in partial exp 1 anat ion for the adoption of this con st itut i ona 1 form. British constitutional practices and precedents are also discussed. Further, to explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in Africa, the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia come under discussion. A four stage conceptual scheme devised by Etzioni and modified for the purpose of this thesis is utilised to analyse and explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe (xii) and Namibia. A variety of factors both historical and contemporary, internal and external to these countries are identified and analysed. These factors include amongst others, early settlement patterns and confiicts, British colonial practices and precedents, the perceptions and ambitions of nationalist movements and elites, relationships with neighbouring states, the climate of opinion, and the requirements of nation-building and political stability. The thesis is concluded by comparing the experiences of the three countries and, setting out several inductive propositions determining under which conditions these states adopted centralised unitary constitutional forms in preference to decentralised ones, federation or partition. Finally, the thesis is concluded by referring in a Postscript to the postindependence constitutional reassessment in the three countries concerned, the constitutional reassessment process in Africa in general, literature references to this process, and the prospects for constitutional reform on the continent. / Political Science / D. Lit. et Phil. (Politics)

Submitted by VANESSA ALVES DO PRADO null (bivaprado@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-25T01:43:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Vanessa Prado.pdf: 7997093 bytes, checksum: 46f83fd463dff635eebdf57be0a86dc3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-08-25T13:43:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_va_dr_mar.pdf: 7997093 bytes, checksum: 46f83fd463dff635eebdf57be0a86dc3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-25T13:43:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_va_dr_mar.pdf: 7997093 bytes, checksum: 46f83fd463dff635eebdf57be0a86dc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta tese apresenta resultados da pesquisa que teve como objetivo compreender, pelos sentidos bakhtinianos de forças centrípetas e centrífugas, os discursos que permeiam a ação de formação de professores e a ação dos guias didáticos do programa paulista Ler e Escrever. As forças constituem os discursos dos formadores e dos professores atuantes nos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental, ciclo I, e explicam o movimento de adesão e de resistência desses sujeitos à imposição da implantação do Ler e Escrever como uma política educacional. A pesquisa de natureza etnográfica ancorou-se nos princípios da filosofia da linguagem, pensada por Bakhtin e Volochínov, e discutida por Medviédev e por autores contemporâneos estudiosos das obras do Círculo (de Bakhtin), e teve como participantes dez professores do ensino fundamental, ciclo I, de uma escola estadual do interior paulista, e três formadoras de uma diretoria de ensino. Algumas reuniões de formação na escola pesquisada, em momentos de Aulas de Trabalho Pedagógico Coletivo, foram observadas e gravadas em áudio e vídeo. Foram feitas também entrevistas com todas as professoras da escola que aceitaram a participar da pesquisa, com a professora coordenadora e com as professoras coordenadoras do Núcleo Pedagógico da diretoria de ensino. Além das observações e das entrevistas, constituíram a pesquisa: a) pautas das reuniões de formações na escola observada e b) guias de planejamento e orientações didáticas Ler e Escrever. Considerando o princípio da relação dialógica, a partir da premissa da alteridade, os enunciados foram compreendidos à luz da filosofia da linguagem. Foi possível compreender, a partir da resposta de professores e de formadores na implantação das ações em destaque do programa, que a força centrípeta, que quer dominar, e a força centrífuga, libertária, de sentidos contraditórios, dialogizam o próprio programa. Apesar da formação continuada de professores pelo programa e os guias didáticos Ler e Escrever demonstrarem ser uma ação anti-dialógica pela represália ao plurilinguismo e pela imposição e controle de uma linguagem única que desconsidera o professor como sujeito falante responsavelmente participante no mundo, o professor luta pela inalienabilidade da palavra, arrisca, rompe e se indigna, pela voz, pelo corpo e pelas atitudes, contra a força opressora e autoritária que quer apagar sua voz e paralisar seu ato. / This thesis presents results of the research that aimed to understand, through Bakhtinian senses of centripetal and centrifugal forces, the discourses that permeate teacher’s formation and the action of teaching guides of São Paulo’s state program Ler e Escrever (Read and Write). The forces constitute the discourses of trainers and teachers acting in the first years of elementary school, cycle I, and explain the movement of adhesion and resistance of these subjects to the implementation’s imposition of Ler e Escrever as an educational policy. The ethnographic nature research was anchored in the principles of language’s philosophy, thought by Bakhtin and Volochínov, and discussed by Medvedev and contemporaneous authors scholars of the Circle’s works (Bakhtin), having as participants ten elementary school teachers, cycle I, from a state school located in São Paulo’s countryside, and three trainers from an educational board of directors. Some formation meetings at the researched school, during Collective Pedagogical Work Classes, were observed and recorded in audio and video. Interviews were also conducted with all the teachers of the school who agreed to participate in the research, with the coordinator teacher and coordinators teachers of the Pedagogical Center of the educational board of directors. In addition to the observations and interviews, the research consisted of: a) guidelines of the training meetings in the observed school and b) planning guides and Ler e Escrever didactic guidelines. Considering the principle of the dialogical relationship, from the premise of otherness, the statements were understood by the light of language’s philosophy. Through the answer of teachers and trainers during the implementation of the actions highlighted in the program, it was possible to understand that the centripetal force, which wants to dominate, and the centrifugal force, libertarian, of contradictory directions, dialogue in the own program. In spite of the continued formation of teachers by the program and the Ler e Escrever didactic guides demonstrate to be an anti-dialogic action by the reprisal to the multilingualism and by the imposition and control of a unique language that disregards the teacher as a speaking subject responsibly participant in the world, the teacher fights for the inalienability of the word, risks, bursts out and outrages, through voice, body and by attitudes, against the oppressive and authoritarian force that wants to erase his voice and paralyze his act.

本文旨在探討透過權力分享式民主與審議式民主的取徑，來緩解當前台灣民主困境的可行性。 首先，本文討論了當前台灣民主困境的成因，以及藍綠雙方的根本差異。同時指出，台灣當前的民主困境可被視為一種極度分裂社會的狀態來理解，並將台灣民主困境的關鍵難題，定位在認同差異與政治不信任。 其次，本文從既有的權力分享式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性概念」與「經驗性證據」；做為權力分享式民主對當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，利用協合式民主去處理當前台灣民主困境，應是個值得嘗試的方向。若將協合式民主中菁英間的決策模式，改由審議取代議價，則此種修正型的協合式民主可為長期解決族群衝突提供更多的可能性。 繼之，本文從既有的審議式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性理念」與「經驗性證據」，作為審議式民主對於當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，理論上，審議式民主的理想審議是可以解決當前台灣民主困境，只不過理想言說情境在現實生活中很難達成。但是這並不排除理想言說情境是可以近似達成的。不過文獻中迄今仍無經驗證據顯示，單獨利用審議式民主可以解決在極度分裂社會中的國家認同問題。為了讓對立雙方願意自由參加對話、願意相互尊重，以及願意理性溝通，必須提供誘因，而權力分享就是一種誘因。此外，為了判斷對話或審議環境是否接近理想言說情境，必須要有量化的測量工具，而話語品質指數(DQI)就是一種工具。因此，權力分享與DQI，就是強化審議式民主的兩種有效工具。 面對當前台灣民主困境，本文最後提出了一個結合協合式民主與審議式民主(即修正型的協合式民主)的現階段策略的建議。 / This thesis explores the feasibility of mitigating ethnic conflict of current Taiwan employing the methods of power-sharing democracy and deliberative democracy. First of all, the causes and the key difficult problems of democratic predicament, and the dispute in national identity between the pan-blue and pan-green camps, as those currently exist in Taiwan, are discussed in greater detail. The key difficult problems appear to be conflict in identities and political distrust. Next, based on the existing literature of power-sharing democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that the use of consociational approach to manage democratic predicament of current Taiwan should be the direction worth trying. The so-called modified consociational democracy, which is formed to meet the deliberative requirements of publicity and reciprocity, by replacing consociational decision making with deliberation, may provide more possibility for longer-term goal of ethnic conflict resolution. Likewise, based on the existing literature of deliberative democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that, theoretically, the use of ideal deliberation approach appears capable of dealing with the democratic predicament of current Taiwan. Although it is not possible to create Habermas’s ideal speech situation on a precise level, it is possible to achieve ISS approximately. However, there did not exist any empirical evidence in the literature to demonstrate that the application of deliberative democracy alone may provide conflict resolution of the national identity problem in deeply divided societies. In order to let both sides of the conflicting groups be willing to participate freely in the dialogue, be willing to respect one another, and be willing to communicate rationally, it is necessarily to provide both sides with power-sharing incentives tailored to make both sides feel absolutely secure. In addition, in order to evaluate how close the dialogue or deliberative approaches the conditions of ideal speech situation, it is necessarily to have a quantitative measuring instrument at our disposal and the discourse quality index (DQI) is such an instrument. Therefore, power-sharing and DQI tend to form two effective tools for strengthening the deliberative democracy. Finally, this thesis proposes the modified consociational democracy as the present stage strategy for the resolution of democratic predicament of current Taiwan.