Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon’s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon’s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart’s four consociational elements are analyzed. From these evaluations one can argue that power-sharing principles have helped Lebanon to maintain a relative calm after its civil war, but also that they have failed in generating national cohesion and a strong state. A re-emerging proposition in this study is hence that consociationalism has been both a solution and an impediment to the development of Lebanon.

The signing of the Ta'if Agreement on October 22, 1989 marked the beginning of the end of the divisive and destructive Lebanese Civil War that had raged since 1975. The war was finally ended in March 1991, when the new Lebanese Parliament enacted the General Amnesty Law, which stated that there were to be no victors and no victims in the war ( la ghalib le maghlub). Unfortunately, this law allowed the Lebanese people to turn a blind eye to the ugly truths of the war, and it ushered in an era of uneasy silence in Lebanon. Today, as Lebanon's political battle for independence and a unified national identity continues, there is still no government supported public attempt to break this silence. I believe that this legislated lack of collective/public self-expression has rendered both the local and the Diaspora populations incapable of reconciliation with their recent traumatic past, let alone allowing them to forge a brighter future. This thesis investigates the unrelenting silence permeating every layer of Lebanese society today and proposes architectural solutions that may help to break the silence and thus reconcile Lebanese to their past. The core of this study consists of three architectural interventions aimed at breaching this silence. These are put into context through historical analysis, family interviews, and personal narratives from field research to Beirut conducted by the author in the fall of 2005, as well as photographs, maps, illustrations, and other documents drawn from first person experience. As such, this thesis probes not just the public, but also a personal experience in overcoming Lebanon's silence. Certainly, there can be no reconciliation based on silence.

The signing of the Ta'if Agreement on October 22, 1989 marked the beginning of the end of the divisive and destructive Lebanese Civil War that had raged since 1975. The war was finally ended in March 1991, when the new Lebanese Parliament enacted the General Amnesty Law, which stated that there were to be no victors and no victims in the war ( la ghalib le maghlub). Unfortunately, this law allowed the Lebanese people to turn a blind eye to the ugly truths of the war, and it ushered in an era of uneasy silence in Lebanon. Today, as Lebanon's political battle for independence and a unified national identity continues, there is still no government supported public attempt to break this silence. I believe that this legislated lack of collective/public self-expression has rendered both the local and the Diaspora populations incapable of reconciliation with their recent traumatic past, let alone allowing them to forge a brighter future. This thesis investigates the unrelenting silence permeating every layer of Lebanese society today and proposes architectural solutions that may help to break the silence and thus reconcile Lebanese to their past. The core of this study consists of three architectural interventions aimed at breaching this silence. These are put into context through historical analysis, family interviews, and personal narratives from field research to Beirut conducted by the author in the fall of 2005, as well as photographs, maps, illustrations, and other documents drawn from first person experience. As such, this thesis probes not just the public, but also a personal experience in overcoming Lebanon's silence. Certainly, there can be no reconciliation based on silence.

Le Liban jouit de la liberté de la presse qui le distingue des autres pays de la région, mais les journaux se sont transformés après la guerre, et plus particulièrement après l'accord de Taëf en 1989; de quotidiens objectifs « défendant l'unité du pays et de son peuple », en « une arme pour alimenter le feu de la discorde entre ses fils ». Cette division s'est reflétée plus clairement après l'assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2005, où le Liban s'est divisé en deux grandes parties, sur une base sectaire et dogmatique (Sunnite- chiite et les chrétiens étaient répartis sur les deux communautés). Ainsi furent crées les deux forces de 8 et 14 Mars, en concurrence sur tout, du pouvoir et les postes jusqu'à la domination des médias afin de promouvoir la ligne politique des dirigeants de chacune d'entre elles. Les journaux étaient tellement influencés par cette partition, et au lieu de jouer leur rôle dans la transmission de la vérité, ils sont devenus un miroir qui reflétait les différences des politiciens. Les principales raisons de ce biais furent abordées par cette étude qui a révélé l’influence du pouvoir sur eux, et cela à travers l’analyse du contenu de 21 événements importants qui ont eu lieu au cours de 22 ans, dans quatre quotidiens : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal et Al Akhbar. Cette étude a montré aussi l’hégémonie de l'argent sur ces journaux et leur besoin permanent d'un financement supplémentaire, afin de survivre. Et comment les journaux foliaires feront face aujourd'hui au risque de disparition après la concurrence avec la presse électronique ? Cette thèse aide ainsi à comprendre les mutations de la presse entre conditions politiques et changements techniques. / Lebanon enjoys the freedom of the press that distinguishes him from other countries in the region, but the newspapers have been transformed after the war (between the Muslims and the Christians), and specifically after the Taif Agreement in 1989, from “objective and defending the unity of the country” to “a new weapon to raise the fire of strife between his sons”. This split was more clearly reflected after the assassination of Rafic Hariri in 2005 as Lebanon broke in two parts, but this time on a sectarian and doctrinal basis (Sunni-Shiite and the Christians were distributed over the two communities).The parties 8 and 14 March arose, competing on everything; starting by the powers and the positions arriving to the domination of the media in order to promote the political line of the leaders of both of them. The newspapers were much affected by this division, and instead of playing their role in the transmission of the truth, they became a mirror reflecting the politician’s differences. The main reasons of this bias were addressed by this study, showing the effect of this power on them, and this through the analysis of the content of 21 important events, taking place over 22 years, in four daily newspapers: An-Nahar, Ad- Diyar, Al Mustaqbal and Al Akhbar. It showed also the dominance of money and the need of the newspapers for a permanent additional funding, despite the advertising revenues and the high turnover in the holiday seasons, in order to survive. And how foliar newspapers today will face the risk of extinction after the competition with digital media? This thesis helps to understand the changes of the press between political and technical conditions change.

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L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat consiste à étudier les évolutions dans les discours des leaders politiques et religieux au Liban exprimés publiquement mais aussi en cercle restreint durant la quinzaine d’années du conflit qui débute en 1975 et ne termine qu’en 1989 avec les accords de Taëf. Le travail porte sur une présentation et une analyse des projets politiques proposés pour le Liban par plusieurs personnalités provenant de différents partis politiques dans le pays durant la période étudiée. L’originalité de l’approche est de regrouper deux partis politiques qui s’opposent fortement, mais qui adoptent une idéologie établie sur des fondements communs. A partir de supports écrits, radiophoniques et télévisuels ainsi qu’avec l’aide d’entretiens que nous avions réalisés au cours de nos recherches au Liban et en France, nous étudions les projets politiques élaborés au Liban entre 1975-1989. Nos analyses dévoilent une évolution dans l’approche de la part d’acteurs confessionnels et politiques libanais d’influence quant à leur vision de l’avenir de la configuration politique de leur pays tout en se situant, d’une manière ou d’une autre, par rapport au Pacte national de 1943 ainsi que du rôle qu’ils envisagent pour eux-mêmes. / The objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves.