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In this thesis, I propose a theory of ergativity in which NP arguments are checked for Case by moving to projections of agreement at LF. The Case-marking pattern of an ergative language arises when transitive subjects move to the projection of agreement usually associated with objects (AGR.o), while transitive objects and intransitive subjects move to the projection of subject agreement (AGR.s). While this proposal assigns the same underlying structure to clauses in an ergative language (unlike Marantz, 1984), it does have distinctive syntactic effects. In this it contrasts with a purely morphological approach to ergativity, such as that of Anderson (1976). / Arguments can move to the specifier position of agreement, or adjoin to its maximal projection. Movement cannot take place across the same kind of position as the landing site, which leads us to predict that transitive subjects cannot undergo grammatical extraction in an ergative language. This prediction turns out to be correct in a number of languages, including Chamorro, Mam, and other members of the Mayan group. Our theory also allows for a plausible account of split ergativity--non-canonical patterns in an otherwise ergative language where transitive and intransitive subjects are marked the same, but behave differently under extraction. / The proposal that NPs are not checked for Case until LF entails that they remain in their base positions at S-structure. Evidence for this claim is adduced from the distribution of empty pronoun arguments whose contents must be identified. Our prediction is that transitive subjects in an ergative language will interfere in the identification of an empty object pronoun, since it is closer to the pronoun than its legitimate identifier, AGR.s. This is also shown to be the case.

How is the logical form of a sentence expressed in natural language? This thesis examines in detail wh-questions and negative polarity items in Japanese and English in an effort to pin down a number of issues related to this question. / Chapter one introduces some of the basic notions of current syntactic theory within which the discussion in this thesis takes place. The chapter also contains basic syntactic properties of wh-questions and negative polarity items in English and Japanese. / Chapter two advances a cooccurence restriction condition on wh-questions and negative polarity items. The condition to be introduced is referred to as the Linear Crossing Constraint (LCC). Assuming with Saito (1992) that scrambling can be undone at the level of logical form, it is argued that the LCC applies to the surface form of a sentence. Various consequences that follow from the LCC are also discussed. / Chapter three argues that wh-phrases and negative polarity items undergo movement in the logical form component of grammar. The discussion in this chapter is dependent on the scope facts involving these grammatical constructions. / Chapter four is concerned with the Subjacency Condition. Nishigauchi (1992) proposes that movement in the logical form component is constrained by the Subjacency Condition in much the same way as movement is in the overt component. It is shown that the relevant sentences pointed out by Nishigauchi should be accounted for by a condition on logical form representations. / Chapter five deals with why certain instances of scrambling can be undone in the logical form component but others cannot, as observed by Takahashi (1993). / The aim of Chapter six is to develop an account of the distribution of adjunct wh-phrases, such as why and naze. It is pointed out that naze shares a number of characteristics in common with negative polarity items and floating quantifiers. I argue that there is only one specifier position per functional head. / Chapter Seven extends the theory developed in Chapter six to another set of data. It is argued that the distribution of floating quantifiers can naturally be captured under the proposed theory. / The final chapter concludes this thesis by pointing out some consequences of this theory.

This thesis presents a study of a construction which I refer to as Verb-Stranding VP Ellipsis. The construction is studied here, specifically, in two distinct senses. First, in chapter two, diagnostics are proposed by which the VP Ellipsis ("VPE") construction can be identified—irrespective of whether the main verb involved is null or overt. It is proposed that these diagnostics can be used to rule out the possibility that the data at issue are cases of other types of null anaphora, such as null arguments, Stripping, Gapping, and Null Complement Anaphora. It emerges from this section of the thesis that Modern Hebrew, Modern Irish, and Swahili have V-Stranding VPE data which form a natural class with English's Aux-Stranding VPE, while Japanese, Korean, Italian, and Spanish do not. The second focus is the question of how V-Stranding VPE should be generated. Chapters 3 and 4 argue in favor of an analysis involving PF Deletion of a VP out of which the main verb has raised, and against an LF Copying treatment. These arguments, in part, involve the Verbal Identity Requirement on VP Ellipsis, a novel generalization involving strict identity in root and derivational morphology between the antecedent- and target clause main Vs of the construction. Within the previously known requirement that elided phrases express semantically Given information, I argue that this generalization results from the fact that the head of an elided phrase must itself express Given information—whether or not the head surfaces as phonologically null. / Dans cette étude, on considère en detail une construction que j'appelle « L'élision d'une expression verbale sans l'élision du verbe principal » (anglais « V-Stranding VP Ellipsis »). Cette construction est étudiée ici, spécifiquement, dans deux sens distincts. Dans le chapitre 2, on propose des diagnostics grace auxquels on peut identifier la construction « élision d'une expression verbale » (« EEV », anglais « VP Ellipsis »), que le verbe principal dans l'expression verbale soit manifeste ou élidé. On soutient que ces diagnostics peuvent être utilisés pour éliminer la possibilité que les données pertinentes soient des exemples d'autres types d'anaphore nulle, tels que argument du verbe nul, le « Stripping », le « Gapping », et le « Null Complement Anaphora ». Ainsi, on propose dans cette section que l'EEV sans l'élision du verbe dans les grammaires de l'hebreu, de l'irlaindais et du swahili forme une classe naturelle avec l'EEV avec l'élision du verbe en anglais. On soutient aussi que cette construction n'existent pas en japonais, en coréen, en espagnol, ou en italienne. Ensuite, on considère la question de comment génerer les exemples d'EEV sans l'élision du verbe. Dans les chapitres 3 et 4, on propose une analyse qui utilise la suppression d'une expression verbale au niveau de la Forme Phonologique (« la suppression FP », anglais « PF Deletion ») aprês le placement du verbe principal a une position en dehors de l'expression verbale, et on presente une explication de la raison pour laquelle une analyse qui utilise des copies de la Forme Logique (« copie FL », anglais « LF Copying ») n'est pas viable. Ceci implique, en partie, la Condition d'Identite Verbale, une généralisation proposé ici pour la premiêre fois, impliquant une identité stricte de la racine et dans la morphologie dérivationnelle entre les verbes principaux des propositions antécedentes et des propositions ciblés. Dans le cadre de la condition connue selon laquelle les syntagmes élidés expriment une information sémantique donnée (anglais « Given »), j e soutiens que la condition d'identité verbale resulte du fait que la tete d'un syntagme élidé doit elle-meme exprimer l'information donnée sémantiquement—que la téte soit phonologiquement manifeste ou nulle.

This dissertation has three main goals: 1. To provide an analysis of the syntax and semantics of Salish determiners and quantifiers. 2. To provide an account of differences in the determiner and quantification systems of Salish and English which reduces cross-linguistic variation to a minimum, in line with a restrictive theory of Universal Grammar. 3. To assess the theoretical consequences of the analysis of Salish, including implications for the range of possible cross-linguistic variation in determiner and quantification systems, and the nature of the relationship between syntactic structure and interpretation. I give evidence that one common method of expressing quantificational notions in English is absent in Salish. While English readily allows quantifiers to occupy the syntactic position of the determiner (as in every woman, most women), Salish languages do not allow such constructions (see also Jelinek 1995). I propose that Salish and English exemplify opposite settings of a Common Ground Parameter, which states that Salish determiners may not access the common ground of the discourse. This parameter accounts not only for the absence of quantificational determiners in Salish (since quantifiers presuppose existence, and therefore access the common ground), it also derives several other differences between Salish and English determiners, such as the absence of a definiteness distinction in Salish. I further demonstrate that Salish possesses a robust system of DP-internal quantification, and that quantificational DPs in Salish function as generalized quantifiers at logical form. This means that the strong hypothesis that languages do not differ with respect to the presence or absence of generalized quantifiers is upheld (cf. Barwise and Cooper 1981). Simple DPs in Salish, unlike in English, do not function as generalized quantifiers. This result follows from the Common Ground Parameter. I give further evidence from St'at'imcets (Lillooet Salish) on the strong/weak quantifier distinction; I argue that the interpretation of weak quantifiers is derivable directly from the overt syntactic position of the quantifier.

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This thesis investigates a type of infinitival complement previously analyzed as a relative clause construction. The unique properties of this construction, namely, a Specificity Effect on the logical object of the embedded verb and a semantic restriction on the matrix verb, stem from the syntactic structure of the complement. The complement's T (Tense) node is specified [-Tense]. A T that is specified [-Tense] fails to select an Asp (Aspect) projection. The lack of an AspP projection has significant consequences: The embedded verb cannot assign an external theta role and accusative Case cannot be checked. / The distinction of infinitival complements on the basis of their Tense specification will be shown to account for a difference in behaviour with respect to VP-deletion, temporal interpretation and the licensing of PRO. Furthermore, the arguments and evidence presented suggest that the functional projection responsible for checking accusative Case features is AspP, not AGRoP.