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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Communities are currently being shaped and influenced by larger neoliberal social policies, which has resulted in decreased funding from public sources, which therefore creates greater competition among neighborhood organizations for limited resources. In this thesis, I analyze how larger neoliberal currents have created conflict within the local policy subsystem of rezoning in the Crooked Creek neighborhood in Indianapolis. My analysis spotlights the consequences of devolution one of which is the shift from government to neighborhood governance; I examine these issues by mapping out the causes and consequences of three separate rezoning cases. I compare the conflicting perspectives among local influential organizations, including the Community Development Corporation (CDC) and a number of state registered neighborhood groups. I frame this conflict through the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier 2007) in order to map out the connections between neoliberal social policies and local level conflict.

This dissertation assesses the impact of structural constraints to participation on residents of a rural, non-core county and members of a local grassroots organization in conjunction with the measurement of grassroots members for the presence of transformative learning. This study was motivated by three research questions: (1) To what extent may the presence of structural constraints to participation in community action activities be found in the adult residents of a rural, non-core county? (2) To what extent may the presence of structural constraints to participation in community action activities be found in members of a local grassroots organization? (3) How many members of a local grassroots organization show evidence of the 10 phases found in transformative learning? Theoretical foundations for this work are based upon the following research; Theodori’s (2008) analysis of structural constraints to participation in community action activities; Mezirow’s (2009) development of transformative learning theory in adult populations; and King’s (2009) Learning Activities Survey as a measurement of transformative learning. Purposefully obtained data were collected from the general population to establish a measurement of structural constraints to participation. Within the grassroots organization, survey data were used to determine the presence of structural constraints to participation and transformative learning. The findings utilizing regression analysis suggest significance for structural constraints to participation in the general population is minimal, and not significant at all in members of the grassroots organization. Transformative learning in members of the grassroots organization was confirmed by significance for 5 of the 15 variables analyzed. The results were contrary to expectation; yet, these conclusions do contain important implications for those involved in community development.

Le Tea Party entre en scène en février 2009 aux États-Unis. C’est notamment la tirade d’un journaliste qui s’insurge contre les plans de sauvetage de l’économie votés par le Président Barack Obama, en direct sur la chaîne CNBC le 19 février, et invite à organiser une « Tea Party » dans le port de Chicago, qui déclenche ce phénomène sans précédent. S’ensuivent de nombreux rassemblements protestataires de masse à travers le pays, puis la création de dizaines, puis de centaines de groupes Tea Party locaux. La rapidité et l’ampleur de ce mouvement surprennent les spécialistes. D’autant que dès 2010, le Tea Party affirme des objectifs politiques et une volonté d’institutionnalisation, se révélant une menace pour l’establishment républicain. Mais en 2012, la réélection du Président Obama peut être lue comme une défaite colossale pour le mouvement, et des chroniques de mort annoncée sont publiées par la presse libérale (au sens américain). Des résultats peu spectaculaires aux élections de mi-mandat en 2014 semblent confirmer ce pronostic, surtout que le Parti républicain réussit à tenir le mouvement en respect jusqu’aux primaires pour l’investiture présidentielle en 2015. C’est alors qu’on assiste à un retournement de situation ; la radicalisation du Grand Old Party est nette, visible entre autres dans la plate-forme très conservatrice des candidats républicains. En novembre 2016, l’élection de l’outsider Donald Trump à la présidence, conjonction de nombreux facteurs électoraux, est également le résultat d’efforts organisationnels de la Droite auxquels le Tea Party a largement contribué. Pour appréhender ce mouvement, il faut comprendre qu’il combine des forces top-down et bottom-up. Certes, le Tea Party bénéficie depuis son émergence de ressources inestimables de la part de groupes de pression et de think tanks comme FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity ou Heritage Foundation, ainsi que des médias conservateurs. De nature organisationnelle ou rhétorique, ces ressources sont fondamentales car elles permettent au mouvement de s’organiser et de mener ses actions militantes. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’à la base se trouvent des acteurs bénévoles, qui consacrent leur temps et leur énergie au Tea Party, et revendiquent leur caractère grassroots. Des organisations nationales comme Tea Party Patriots s’imposent pour fédérer les groupes qui leur sont affiliés, cependant certains groupes locaux cherchent à protéger leur indépendance. Autour des groupes Tea Party gravitent des organisations libertariennes et conservatrices, l’ensemble formant une nébuleuse complexe, qui fonctionne par réseaux à différents niveaux et selon diverses configurations. L’objet de cette étude de terrain est donc d’apporter un éclairage de l’intérieur du mouvement Tea Party, par l’observation en immersion de groupes locaux situés dans les régions de Philadelphie en Pennsylvanie, et de Boston dans le Massachusetts. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les motivations et l’idéologie des militants, principalement d’orientation conservatrice, libertarienne et populiste. Ce sont les notions de souveraineté individuelle, d’anti-fédéralisme, et de respect de la Constitution qui dictent toute lecture des Tea Partiers. Ensuite, l’analyse des modes opératoires des groupes permet de clarifier le fonctionnement de l’ensemble. Le Tea Party se démarque en tant que mouvement de droite recourant à des stratégies organisationnelles jusqu’ici plutôt réservées aux mouvements progressistes - la façon dont il applique les principes de l’organisation communautaire est l’une de ses forces indéniables, en particulier à l’ère des nouvelles technologies, et des réseaux sociaux. Son utilisation de ressources Web et d’outils concrets pour l’action militante est remarquable. Enfin, il est essentiel de saisir que le Tea Party veut s’implanter dans le tissu décisionnel local. Pour y parvenir, l’une de ses tactiques consiste à infiltrer progressivement le Parti républicain / The Tea Party enters the scene in February 2009 in the United States. On February 19, a CNBC journalist protests on-air against the economic bailout plans voted by President Barack Obama, and invites viewers to organize a « Tea Party » in the Chicago harbor. This contributes to trigger an unprecedented phenomenon, as numerous mass protest rallies soon organize throughout the country, followed by the creation of dozens, then hundreds of local Tea Party groups. Experts are astonished at the swiftness and magnitude of the movement. All the more so in 2010, when the Tea Party starts claiming political objectives and shows intent of institutionalizing, proving a threat to the Republican Establishment. However, President Obama is reelected in 2012 and this is interpreted as a devastating loss for the movement, for which obituaries are published in several liberal media. Lackluster results in the 2014 mid-term elections seem to confirm this forecast, especially since the Republican Party succeeds at keeping the movement at bay until the primaries for the presidential candidate nomination in 2015. But then there is a reversal; the Grand Old Party clearly radicalizes, as the extremely conservative Republican platform notably shows. And the election of outsider Donald Trump to the presidency in November 2016, a conjunction of numerous electoral factors, is also the result of organizational efforts on the right side of the political spectrum, to which the Tea Party largely contributed. To better apprehend this movement, it is necessary to understand that it combines top-down and bottom-up forces. From its appearance, the Tea Party has indisputably benefitted from colossal resources from interest groups and think tanks such as FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity or The Heritage Foundation, but also from conservative media. Either organizational or rhetorical, these resources are primeval for the movement’s organization and activism. Nevertheless, there are voluntary activists working at the basis of the movement, who devote their time and energy to the Tea Party, and claim its grassroots nature. National organizations such as Tea Party Patriots try to establish themselves as federations for the groups affiliated to them, while some local groups seek to remain independent. Libertarian and conservative organizations gravitate around Tea Party groups, the whole forming a complex cluster that operates at different levels and following diverse configurations. Thus the object of this field study is to shed light on the Tea Party movement from the inside, thanks to the observation of local groups from an embedded position. These groups are located in the Philadelphia and Boston areas, respectively in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. First, it is necessary to understand activists’ motivations and ideologies, which are mainly conservative, libertarian and populist; and that Tea Partiers interpret everything though the lens of individual sovereignty, anti-Federalism, and respect of the Constitution. Then, analyzing the modi operandi of the groups allows to illuminate how the whole system works. The Tea Party distinguishes itself as a right-wing movement that recurs to organizational strategies that were predominantly used by progressive movements until recently – the way the movement applies the principles of community organizing is undeniably one of its strengths, particularly considering the new media revolution, and social networks. Its use of Web resources and concrete tools to encourage activism is impressive. Lastly, it is indispensable to grasp that the Tea Party aims for local decision-making positions. To this end, one of its tactics consists in progressively infiltrating the Republican Party

Abstract Title: Sponsorship of grassroots- and youth football teams: A qualitative study from the sponsors’ perspective. Authors: David Arvidsson and Christoffer Rex Hansen Charles. Supervisor: Hèléne Laurell. Level: Bachelor thesis in marketing (15 Swedish credits), Spring 2016. Keywords: Sponsorship, Sport sponsorship, Local sponsorship, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), Football,Grassroots, Effectiveness measurement. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to increase the understanding of sponsoring grassroots- and youth football teams. Theoretical framework: The theoretical framework begins with theory regarding sponsorship. CSR and its importance are also discussed. A link between sponsorship and CSR is brought forward at the end of this chapter. Methodology: A deductive approach and a qualitative method have been used in order to get a more detailed, deeper and descriptive explanation of the chosen subject. Empirical framework: The empirical framework was collected through personal interviews with respondents from five different companies. The respondents were the ones responsible for the work with sponsorship at each respective company. Conclusion: Companies are involved in the sponsoring of grassroots- and youth football teams in order to be seen as good citizens. It is also seen as a brand building activity and away to build relationships. A link between CSR and sponsorship can be done and sponsorship can be used as a tool to communicate companies’ CSR-initiatives. Finally, are the effects from sponsorship not measured due to the difficulties in this process, however, methods for this purpose do exist, such as customer surveys.

This thesis examines grassroots peace building in Kosovo during the period 2001 - 2008 and seeks to understand how international actors have best supported, or otherwise, a process of deepening peace at this level. The research centres on analysis of thirty-three in-depth interviews with the main actors from this field. Through analysing interpretations of peace and peace building in Kosovo, I identify a contradiction between on the one hand, the dominant approach of building peace through relationships (favoured by international actors); and on the other, the need for peace to address personal needs. This means helping individuals come to terms with the past, and affecting a broader normalization of people’s everyday lives. I assert that a ‘deepening’ of peace in Kosovo will ultimately come about through offering young people more opportunities to ‘open up their hearts and minds’ - to broaden their horizons in ways that they feel empowered to view themselves and the world around them through a critical lens. This research identifies negative attitudes and behaviours amongst external actors in Kosovo, and illustrates how our personal qualities and conduct are of primary importance when it comes to peace building. In doing so, I identify a need for a higher level of self-awareness, commitment and empathy amongst external actors. Whilst reports have emerged which seek to evaluate the impact of peace building in Kosovo, this research examines the experiences of those engaged in such endeavours and encompasses a strong story-telling element. It also seeks to ground the issues at stake within a broader understanding of Kosovo’s social and historical landscape.

The evolution of African stateless societies and the diverse impact of their cultures, on political thought previous to and post-modernity, are not well understood. Scholars acknowledge the varied influence of precolonial African culture on the artistic, spiritual, and linguistic expressions of African-descended populations. However, observations regarding the impact of such acephalous societies on the political thought of the African Diaspora remain obscure. The organizational techniques of such societies are best described as a form of kinship-based anarchism. This study seeks to examine the persistence of such organizational techniques among African-descended populations in the United States. The political life and background of Ella Baker will be used as a historical case study to illustrate the possible strands of continuity that may exist between the organizational habitude of African acephalous societies, and modern African-American grassroots political structures.

Social planning has remained a longstanding element of urban planning practice and continues to be pursued through different institutional structures in Canada. While the City of Winnipeg currently features no municipal social planning department, the City of Vancouver attempts to support its most disadvantaged neighbourhoods through its municipal sector. As these are two cities with high concentrations of Indigenous populations, this research uncovers the degree to which these two social planning models have worked to support the particular needs and interests of residents living in Winnipeg’s North End and Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. Through the comparative case study of these two research sites, comprehensive document analysis and semi-structured interviews with key informants from planning agencies in each city, it is evident both models promote socially just and socially sustainable planning processes and outcomes within their respective neighbourhoods. However, neither is without fault. As a government body Vancouver is able to create and track progress in a more systemic way, setting targets and metrics for other government agencies, while information sharing and relationship building are where non-profit organizations in Winnipeg truly excel. This research explains how most non-profit organizations are unable to successfully sustain themselves, while municipal departments lack the rapport grassroots organizations more easily attain. Therefore, an integration of both models could begin to better support Canada’s most disadvantaged neighbourhoods with growing urban Indigenous populations. / May 2016

The social determinants of health continue to impact health disparities among communities living along the U.S.-Mexico border. Because community health workers (CHWs) are recognized for promoting a variety of positive patient-centered health outcomes in their roles as educators and health system navigators, recent inquiry has focused on the role of the CHW in facilitating community-level changes through grassroots advocacy to impact the social determinants of health. Social capital theory, which posits that participation in groups has positive consequences for individuals and the community, is a useful lens through which CHW effectiveness in grassroots advocacy can be measured and replicated. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, this study investigated the social capital characteristics of fifteen CHWs working in border communities who were trained in grassroots advocacy. Participating CHWs reported high baseline levels of social capital, which was assessed using a social capital questionnaire. After one year of engagement in grassroots advocacy, participating CHWs reported statistically significant increases in one measure of bridging social capital (community engagement) and one measure of linking social capita (participation with political/civic leaders). Qualitative interviews with each CHW further explored the role of social capital in their grassroots advocacy, resulting in a social capital model elucidating six activities of CHW-driven grassroots advocacy. The mixed methods results provide measures for assessing CHWs' social capital in their traditional roles and as grassroots advocates, as well as a framework for understanding how CHWs use their social capital to take grassroots action addressing the social determinants of health.

This thesis explores the process of implementation of the FA's Charter Standard scheme in England. The football development scheme, for schools and clubs, is the first nationally led initiative to attempt instantiate structures and minimum standards of practice at the junior level of football in England. Implementation of the scheme has taken place within the context of New Labour s modernising drive for sport. Moreover, the area of grassroots football has escaped any sustained analysis in academia. Therefore, the thesis aims to provide insights into this area and re-dress the balance somewhat from the pre-occupation of analysing the elite levels of the game. The nature of implementation is complex and multi-faceted, and a primary aim of the study is to identify and analyse the dynamics of implementation in three distinct geographical areas (or clusters) of grassroots football. The study focuses on the meso level of analysis, which centres on the structures and dynamics of relationships between County FA personnel, grassroots football volunteers, teachers and sport development professionals whose responsibility it is to implement the Charter Standard. The macro level of analysis is also briefly considered, where the primary concern is to highlight how such individuals are constrained or facilitated in implementing the Charter Standard, and the relative positions of power they occupy. A qualitative methodology is utilised to elicit data in respect of implementation, generating themes and issues specific to each of the three case studies (or clusters), allowing for general comparisons. Within the case study approach, the dialectical approach to policy networks is applied to provide a framework in which to analyse and discuss theories and processes of implementation. This has proved useful in highlighting conflict and ambiguity between individuals regarding the ethos, and criteria within, FA Charter Standard criteria. Indeed, it is evident that implementing the Charter Standard is problematic for both professionals and volunteers within the context of modernisation. The study concludes by noting changes in the practice of grassroots football. Volunteers have been drawn into football development work which has altered their experience from a largely spontaneous, leisurely activity of choice, to one in which they are expected to conform to professionalised practices in order to implement, and gain Charter Standard accreditation for their club or school.