Community colleges constitute a special type of higher education organization: their complex mission, dynamics, personnel structures, and values require a distinct set of understandings and skills to lead and manage them well. Most of the research on leadership in community colleges focuses on leaders in positions of power (presidents, provosts, etc.) and not on grassroots or bottom-up leadership. Bottom-up leaders are individuals who perpetuate change without having the backing of a formal position of authority to do so. Recent leadership research validates the importance of having change agents at all levels of an organization in order to further the mission of the institution. This dissertation consists of three primary parts: (1) a technical report written by a three-person research team representing a synthesis of the collaborative research findings on the various leadership pathways that exist in the community college and the factors that influence individuals to engage in leadership efforts; (2) an individual research study on the perspectives of grassroots leaders who have engaged in informal change initiatives at a community college; and (3) an extension of the individual research study that discusses institutional attributes, properties, and/or conditions that foster and encourage grassroots organization. Individual, in-depth interviews were conducted in order to identify strategies grassroots leaders used to influence top-down leadership and the major obstacles they faced. The conversational nature of these interviews allowed for two-way interactions that lent themselves to a greater understanding of the subjects’ experiences, thoughts, and motives. This study provides a greater focus on understanding the motivations, tactics, obstacles, and sources of resiliency that grassroots leaders use to affect change. The findings indicate that a variety of personal and professional influences affect a grassroots leader’s decision to engage in leadership efforts, that grassroots leaders tailor their tactics and strategies to fit the situation, and that resiliency is essential to the success of their engagement. Finally, this study makes several recommendations administrators can use to promote grassroots leadership on their campuses.

« Retour du passé refoulé », « guerre des mémoires », « concurrence des victimes », depuis la fin des années 1990, les enjeux de mémoire collective sont au cœur du débat public, en particulier concernant la place occupée par les immigrés dans le roman national.L’idée qu’il existerait un « besoin de mémoire » rapporté à l’immigration, c’est-à-dire des immigrés et de leurs descendants, mais également de la société française dans son ensemble, s’est imposée comme une évidence, faisant l’objet d’une attention accrue des pouvoirs publics ainsi que d’une pluralité d’acteurs sociaux (universitaires, artistes, militants de la mémoire…).A partir d’une enquête comparative menée dans deux villes de la région Auvergne-RhôneAlpes : Saint-Etienne et Villeurbanne, notre thèse a pour but de saisir ce « besoin de mémoire » rapporté à l’immigration non pas comme un donné, mais comme un construit faisant l’objet d’usages politiques et sociaux.Dans ces deux villes marquées par une histoire industrielle forte, mais où la mémoire locale, en l’occurrence sa part immigrée, fait l’objet d’un traitement public différencié, il s’agit de se demander « ce qui se joue d’autre que le passé dans [des] politiques publiques censées y être consacrées » (Gensburger, 2010).A travers une démarche mêlant approche ethnographique et analyse documentaire, nous mettons au cœur de notre étude, non pas le rapport d’un groupe à sa mémoire, mais la notion de mémoire elle-même. Considérée comme une préoccupation majeure dans la sphère publique, elle est devenue une catégorie d’action et d’interprétation pour les pouvoirs publics mais également au principe de nouvelles mobilisations citoyennes. Il s’agit alors de restituer les conditions sociales de sa constitution en nouveau bien symbolique mis en circulation dans les territoires locaux ainsi que les enjeux politiques propres à la publicisation du passé migratoire.La traduction institutionnelle et militante des inégalités de traitement affectant les conditions d’existence des immigrés et leurs descendants dans les termes de la réparation symbolique renseigne sur la transformation des répertoires d’action publique, sur l’évolution des luttes autour de la cause de l’immigration, et donne à voir l’interpénétration croissante entre ces deux mondes. / “Resurfacing of the repressed past”, “war of memories”, “competitions of victims”: since the 1990s, the issue of collective memory has entered the public debate, especially when it comes to the role of immigrants in the national narrative.The idea that there would be a “need for memory” with regards to immigration —from immigrants and their offspring but also from French society at large— has become obvious. As a result, it has increasingly called the attention of public authorities and of a variety of social actors (academics, artists, memory activists, …)Based on a comparative study in the two cities of the Rhone-Alpes Auvergnes region: Saint-Étienne and Villeurbanne, this thesis aims at assesing this “need for memory” with regards to immigration without taking this need for natural. It is rather regarded as a construction that can be used for political and social purposes.While these two cities are marked by an important industrial history, local memory –namely that related to immigration– is treated in different ways. This context begs the following question: “besides the past, what else it at stake in those public policies that are supposed to be entirely dedicated to it?” (Gensburger 2010).Through an approach that brings together ethnographic and document analysis, this work does not center on the relationship of a particular group to its memory but on the very question of memory. Memory is now considered as a major issue in the public sphere and has become a category for action and interpretation by public authorities but also for grassroots activists. Thisthesis represents an attempt at unraveling the conditions for its constitution as a new symbolic good that circulates in local territories. In addition, this work looks at the political stakes that are inherent to the publicizing of the immigration past.The institutional and activist translation of the inequalities plaguing immigrants and their offspring into terms of symbolic reparation informs the transformation of public action, the evolution of the struggle over the question of immigration and ultimately sheds light on the inter-penetration of these two worlds.

In the context of California’s progressive political culture and growing economic inequality, a grassroots secessionist movement in rural northern California called the State of Jefferson movement arose in 2013. While the movement resembles other populist uprisings, its grievances are particular to its geographic, historical, and political context. Many tend to generalize populist campaigns as sinister or illiberal; however, this thesis finds that the State of Jefferson movement contains elements of populism as well as classical liberalism and republicanism. Through qualitative research, this thesis argues that movements of this sort are both inevitable in liberal democracy and also serve a legitimate purpose in strengthening democracy by calling for reform and good government. Growing political polarization, especially with the rise of Trump, and rural-urban cleavages in the United States beg for movements like the State of Jefferson to receive inquiry.

Low health literacy is a problem the U.S. faces and, like health care itself, is a complex issue stemming from patient demographics and the healthcare providers being very diverse. Tools have been developed to mitigate the risks of low health literacy, however, without formal policy. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore and compare commonalities in health literacy best practices of organizations that are recognized as leaders in health literacy and are addressing low health literacy in their communities. By comparing the organizations' abilities to implement standards of plain language and health literacy tools/guidelines, best practice and policy recommendations could be made to various organizations regardless of level (local, state, federal, or nonprofit). The theoretical framework was based on the Evans and Stoddart framework of determinants of health and the health behavioral theories. The conceptual framework was based on health literacy best practices and policy. The research questions focused on how organizations implement health literacy tools/guidelines, the impact of health literacy best practices on policy development and addressing health literacy through formal policy. The qualitative multiple case study used open-ended interview questions via telephone conferencing, with 13 participants from health literacy organizations. The analysis was done by coding and bracketing the responses manually and with NVivo software. Results indicate that health literacy policy development and involvement exists but it is not derived from the health literacy best practices. The implications for positive social change for this study impacts the patient (individual), community, organization, and society through best practices and recommendations for policy development.

This document outlines how organizational action was mobilized in examing and improving current organizational practices. The study was conducted in a technical task-based research organization in the Philippines and was triggered by a concern for the seeming unfavorable feedback the organization receives from the external environment. An analysis of the organizational situation showed among other factors, the apparent lack of a mechanism that relates the organization's research findings to policy making. Through action researching and using the Soft Systems Methodology as a framewrok, an action plan was developed which is designed to improve the situation. The document also discusses insights and lessons learnt in the conduct of action research. Particular focus was placed on key issues that affect individual participation and organizational actions; and how action research fares as a potential framework for organic and systemic change. From the examination of the action research experience, it became apparent that in order to fully harness the potentials of action researching, opportunities for individual participation must be well distributed and taken by the action research members. The factors affecting individual participation in group processes such as group needs, group culture and power issues in and out of the group, must likewise be addressed. This is to promote coordination, commitment and critical consciousness among group members which are essential in effecting organic and systemic change. As the research was conducted within the broad setting of agricultural research, where efforts are placed to enhance agricultural development, this document likewise discusses the potential of action research as an alternative framewrok for Research and Development (R and D) activities. It presents how action research can mobilize grassroots initiatives and actions which are crucial to a sustainable agricultural development. / Master of Science (Research) Systems Agriculture

<p><em>Aim</em>: Over the years, marketing has become a more and more important tool in politics in general. In order to campaign successfully – and become the President-elect - in the U.S. Presidential Election, marketing is indispensable. This lead to enormous amounts of money spent on marketing. The aim of this research is to contribute to existing knowledge in the field of political marketing through the analysis of how marketing is done throughout a political campaign. The 2008 U.S. Presidential Primary Elections, together with a few key candidates have served as the empirical example of this investigation. Four research questions have been asked; what marketing strategies are of decisive outcome in the primary season of the 2008 political campaigning, how is political marketing differentiated depending on the candidate and the demographics of the voter, and finally where does the money come from to fund this gigantic political industry.</p><p><em>Method</em>: The exploratory method and case study as well as the qualitative research method have been used in this work. Internet has been an important tool in the search for, and collection of data. Sources used have been scientific articles, other relevant literature, home pages, online newspapers, TV, etc. The questions have been researched in detail and several main conclusions have been drawn from a marketing perspective. Correlations with theory have also been made.</p><p><em>Result & Conclusion</em>: In the primary season, the product the candidates have been selling is <em>change</em>. The Obama campaign successfully coined and later implemented this product into a grassroots movement that involved bottom-up branding of the candidate. This large base allowed for a different marketing strategy that implemented earlier and better organization in the caucus voting primary states resulting in an untouchable lead for the Obama campaign. The successful utilization of the Internet and social networking sites such as Facebook and YouTube led to enormous support, not least among the important group of young (first time) voters. It also served as the main base for funding throughout both the primary and the presidential season, effectively outspending the Clinton, and later, the McCain campaigns. This study has shown that there are differences in marketing when it comes to different presidential candidates even within the same party. Marketing activities and efforts also look different for different marketing groups.</p><p><em>Suggestions for future research</em>: This study was limited to the primary season; it would have been interesting to include the whole U.S. Presidential campaigning process from start to finish. In future research projects, it would also be interesting to see comparisons between political marketing in the U.S. and political marketing elsewhere, in Europe for example.</p><p><em>Contribution of the thesis</em>: This study contributes to increased knowledge when it comes to understanding the role of social media, grassroots movement, and bottom-up branding as a political marketing strategy. It also contributes to increased knowledge about political marketing in general. Furthermore, it shows the importance of marketing - and money - in American politics. Political parties as well as individual candidates may also find the results of this research useful for future campaigning.</p>

Volunteer-managed nonprofit organizations (VNPOs) are defined as nonprofit organizations managed exclusively by volunteers without paid-staff. There is no well-recognized theory describing how to govern or structure VNPOs, despite their significance in the social economy. This study argues non-bureaucratic governance and non-hierarchical structures are appropriate for some VNPOs. Rothschild-Whitt (1979) proposes six significant challenges for organizations with non-bureaucratic governance. Using multiple case-study methodology, the magnitude of these challenges was assessed in three VNPOs adopting non-bureaucratic governance and non-hierarchical structure. Four challenges, namely, time, homogeneity, emotional intensity, and individual differences, did not adversely affect the selected VNPOs. Two challenges, namely, nondemocratic individuals and environmental constraints, remained obstacles for the selected VNPOs. Five other challenges to non-bureaucratic governance specific to VNPOs were also identified and discussed, specifically, succession planning and recruitment, task completion, minimal socialization, pressure to achieve consensus, and administrative issues. Insights from such studies may help to better manage non-bureaucratic/non-hierarchical VNPOs.

Volunteer-managed nonprofit organizations (VNPOs) are defined as nonprofit organizations managed exclusively by volunteers without paid-staff. There is no well-recognized theory describing how to govern or structure VNPOs, despite their significance in the social economy. This study argues non-bureaucratic governance and non-hierarchical structures are appropriate for some VNPOs. Rothschild-Whitt (1979) proposes six significant challenges for organizations with non-bureaucratic governance. Using multiple case-study methodology, the magnitude of these challenges was assessed in three VNPOs adopting non-bureaucratic governance and non-hierarchical structure. Four challenges, namely, time, homogeneity, emotional intensity, and individual differences, did not adversely affect the selected VNPOs. Two challenges, namely, nondemocratic individuals and environmental constraints, remained obstacles for the selected VNPOs. Five other challenges to non-bureaucratic governance specific to VNPOs were also identified and discussed, specifically, succession planning and recruitment, task completion, minimal socialization, pressure to achieve consensus, and administrative issues. Insights from such studies may help to better manage non-bureaucratic/non-hierarchical VNPOs.

The dissertation develops the concept of repurposing as a means for thinking with activists and the issues they confront. It moves alongside pirate television collective insu^tv as they draw on a variety of histories, traditions and technological resources for their practices. Repurposing functions on multiple levels and at multiple scales, from the recycling of materials and spaces to the harnessing and relaying of encounters and events within an ever-expanding field of social relations. When seen as a way of connecting activist groups and communities, the repurposing of media contributes to strengthening an often fragmented and conflicted activist field. Indeed, insu^tv’s use of information and technology brings to the fore the value of media activism for the creation of social assemblages in which the “media” literally mediates between individuals and among individuals and their environment, instituting and developing an ontogenetic relation (Simondon, 1989). Yet, rather than simply making sense of insu^tv’s practices, the concept of repurposing also provokes a discussion regarding the ethics of connection. For insu^tv, this connective ethics can be understood as a set of rules and principles that facilitate the evaluation of actions, communication, and thought according to an immanent mode of collective existence (Deleuze, 1988; Simondon, 1989). For the author, herself a member of insu^tv and an academic researcher, this immanent position helps challenge traditional models of knowing and envisioning social change and instead proposes alternatives that attend to the singularity and relation among new political movements, and to the political potential of research methods that focus on process and fold activism into academia. The methodology is inspired by the militant research methods of the Italian Autonomia movement (conricerca or inchiesta), as developed and performed by activists themselves. While attending to the complexity of social struggles, the concept of repurposing enables an approach to research and experimentation as modes of sociability, where these modes are themselves repurposed through an ethics of connection. This line informs the relation between ethics and subjectivation, as well as between ethics and micropolitics, facilitating the emergence of new modes of political action through the repurposing of the social field itself.

The dissertation develops the concept of repurposing as a means for thinking with activists and the issues they confront. It moves alongside pirate television collective insu^tv as they draw on a variety of histories, traditions and technological resources for their practices. Repurposing functions on multiple levels and at multiple scales, from the recycling of materials and spaces to the harnessing and relaying of encounters and events within an ever-expanding field of social relations. When seen as a way of connecting activist groups and communities, the repurposing of media contributes to strengthening an often fragmented and conflicted activist field. Indeed, insu^tv’s use of information and technology brings to the fore the value of media activism for the creation of social assemblages in which the “media” literally mediates between individuals and among individuals and their environment, instituting and developing an ontogenetic relation (Simondon, 1989). Yet, rather than simply making sense of insu^tv’s practices, the concept of repurposing also provokes a discussion regarding the ethics of connection. For insu^tv, this connective ethics can be understood as a set of rules and principles that facilitate the evaluation of actions, communication, and thought according to an immanent mode of collective existence (Deleuze, 1988; Simondon, 1989). For the author, herself a member of insu^tv and an academic researcher, this immanent position helps challenge traditional models of knowing and envisioning social change and instead proposes alternatives that attend to the singularity and relation among new political movements, and to the political potential of research methods that focus on process and fold activism into academia. The methodology is inspired by the militant research methods of the Italian Autonomia movement (conricerca or inchiesta), as developed and performed by activists themselves. While attending to the complexity of social struggles, the concept of repurposing enables an approach to research and experimentation as modes of sociability, where these modes are themselves repurposed through an ethics of connection. This line informs the relation between ethics and subjectivation, as well as between ethics and micropolitics, facilitating the emergence of new modes of political action through the repurposing of the social field itself.