Disputes and confrontational rhetoric have characterized Greek-Turkish relations in recent years. In February 2023 a high magnitude earthquake hit Türkiye  with devastating consequences. Greece’s response was immediate and substantial despite the political enmity between the two countries, which revealed a willingness to cooperate in times of crisis. This cooperation was in fact expedited by the disaster which is why it accounts for a disaster diplomacy case.   This paper aims to test the theoretical proposition that disaster-related activities “have the possibility of catalyzing diplomatic action” (Kelman, 2012:14). This case study examines the dynamics of the two countries on three different levels before the earthquake and the ways in which disaster diplomacy has catalyzed their relations. By building on Kenneth Waltz’s well-established, three-images framework of analysis (1959), both countries have been investigated concerning their decision makers, the internal structure of the two states, as well as their international presence.   By analyzing the three images of Greece and Türkiye  it is evident that the earthquake has in fact stimulated the relations of the two countries in all three levels. The sense of urgency generated by the earthquake has created a window of opportunity for dialogue. The confrontational so far situation was abruptly disturbed by the disaster and an immediate shift in sentiment can be observed. While the findings of this research confirm the theoretical proposition that disaster diplomacy can indeed act as a catalyst for cooperation between the two countries, it also acknowledges the need for further exploration to assess the long-term potential of disaster diplomacy as a conflict resolution tool.

This paper emphasizes a social constructivist theoretical viewpoint when looking to analyze the EEZ dispute in the Eastern Mediterranean between Turkey and Greece. The recent authoritarian shift taken by Turkey, moving away from EU and international law values under the regime of President Erdogan has caused an aggravation of the chronically present tensions with its EU neighbour and NATO ally. The growing chasm away from democracy internally reflected in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in light of the recent gas discoveries and elections on both sides, destabilizing the region majorly. Through Discourse Analysis (DA), the EU response to these orally-inflamed Greek-Turkish tensions regarding their overlapping EEZ claims in this specific geopolitical context is examined, taking into account the ideational, identity, and normative factors that are largely at play. In this way, an exploration is made concluding that EU collective identity and its mechanisms are perceiving themselves as threatened, based on the extent and potency of their reaction in terms of political rhetoric and institutional documents delineating the parameters of its collective identity and shaping EU foreign policy so far toward Turkey’s EEZ denial in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the time frame January 2019- February 2023.

No description available.

Nous faisons l'hypothèse que l'étude sur le rôle joué par les villes dans la dynamique de rapprochement gréco-turc offre un cadre d'analyse propice à l'étude des dynamiques de types transnationales – aussi bien socio-culturelles, économiques que politiques – et leurs traductions en terme de dynamiques territoriales. Elles permettent de comprendre aussi bien le processus de transnationalisation des territoires sous l'effet de l'internationalisation des villes que le processus de territorialisation du transnational – ou plutôt comment la dynamique transnationale va se traduire spatialement par la création de nouveaux territoires du rapprochement nés de la diplomatie des villes et de son développement. A travers le cas d'étude gréco-turc et les initiatives de rapprochement mises en place entre villes grecques et turques depuis la fin des années 1980, nous essayerons de mettre en évidence dans quelle mesure les dynamiques territoriales créées par cette diplomatie des villes se trouve au croisement d'une nouvelle forme de transnationalisation des territoires à la périphérie de l'Europe mais aussi une forme de résurgence (voire de permanence) d'anciens territoires historiques, qui met à l'épreuve la cohésion territoriale et sociale des territoires nationaux des deux pays. / We hypothesize that research on the role of cities in the dynamics of Greek-Turkish rapprochement process (- either on an economical as well as a socio-cultural or political basic -)provides a framework for enabling analysis to study the transnational process and their translation in terms of territorial dynamics. They allow to understand both the process of transnationalization of territories as a result of the internationalization of cities and also the process of territorial regionalization of transnationality. In other terms, we can see how transnational dynamics will that result from the twons' rapprochment's diplomacy can new territories. Through the case of Greek-Turkish rapprochement and initiatives implemented between Greek and Turkish towns since the late 1980s, we will try to highlight this "town's diplomacy" is at the crossroads of a new form of transnationalization of the territories at the borders of Europe, but how it also expressthe resurgence (or even the permance)of old historical territories, which are challenging social and territorial cohesion of the national territories of the two countries.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines the Greek-Turkish ongoing rapprochement. This latest rapprochement effort followed closely two devastating earthquakes that hit Greece and Turkey consequently in 1999. The two nations sent official and private (NGO) relief help, including search and rescue teams, to the areas struck. This study examines whether there are tangible shifts in the policies of the two countries that could sustain the rapprochement, or whether the adjustment is superficial and could collapse as soon as any controversial issue(s) arise between the two nations. It approaches the question with the clarity provided by hindsight, employing three past case studies of similar endeavors of the two countries. By examining the three past cases as well as considering all empirical evidence for the present rapprochement, this thesis concludes that there is tangible evidence of a shift in Greek foreign policy toward Turkey, whereas with respect to Turkish policy, there exist encouraging rhetoric and gestures but no evidence of adequate reciprocity towards Greece on the political level. Finally, the thesis provides policy recommendations for both sides. / Commander, Hellenic Navy

Cette thèse Çtudie les rapprochements bi-communautaires dans la société civile à Chypre depuis 1974, les mouvements concernés, leurs membres, leurs actions, leurs réussites et leurs difficultés face à des nationalismes vigoureux dans une île coupé en deux hermétiquement jusqu'en 2003. Ces mouvements ne peuvent être coupés de leur contexte, les négociations infructueuses sous l'égide des Nations Unies, le développement des nationalismes, l'influence pesante des Mères-Patries. Il convient également de prendre en compte le passage du temps, les jeunes adultes de 2015 n'ont pas connu les affrontements de 1964 ni l'invasion turque de 1974. / This thesis studies the bicommunal reconciliation movements in Cyprus born in the civil society since 1974, the associations concerned, their members, theirs actions, their success or difficulties in front of vigorous nationalisms in an island tightly halved in two until 2003. Of course these movements cannot be separated from their context, the unsuccessful negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the development of nationalisms, the heavy influence of the Mother Countries. We must also take into account the passage of time, the young adults of 2015 have lived neither the 1964 bicommunal clashes nor the 1974 Turk invasion.

Cette thèse étudie les rapprochements bi-communautaires dans la société civile à Chypre depuis 1974, les mouvements concernés, leurs membres, leurs actions, leurs réussites et leurs difficultés face à des nationalismes vigoureux dans une île coupée en deux hermétiquement jusqu'en 2003. Ces mouvements ne peuvent être coupés de leur contexte, les négociations infructueuses sous l'égide des Nations Unies, le développement des nationalismes, l'influence pesante des Mères-Patries. Il convient également de prendre en compte le passage du temps, les jeunes adultes de 2015 n'ont pas connu les affrontements de 1964 ni l'invasion turque de 1974. / This thesis studies the bicommunal reconciliation movements in Cyprus born in the civil society since 1974, the associations concerned, their members, theirs actions, their success or difficulties in front of vigorous nationalisms in an island tightly halved in two until 2003. Of course these movements cannot be separated from their context, the unsuccessful negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the development of nationalisms, the heavy influence of the Mother Countries. We must also take into account the passage of time, the young adults of 2015 have lived neither the 1964 bicommunal clashes nor the 1974 Turk invasion.

Cette thèse Çtudie les rapprochements bi-communautaires dans la société civile à Chypre depuis 1974, les mouvements concernés, leurs membres, leurs actions, leurs réussites et leurs difficultés face à des nationalismes vigoureux dans une île coupé en deux hermétiquement jusqu'en 2003. Ces mouvements ne peuvent être coupés de leur contexte, les négociations infructueuses sous l'égide des Nations Unies, le développement des nationalismes, l'influence pesante des Mères-Patries. Il convient également de prendre en compte le passage du temps, les jeunes adultes de 2015 n'ont pas connu les affrontements de 1964 ni l'invasion turque de 1974. / This thesis studies the bicommunal reconciliation movements in Cyprus born in the civil society since 1974, the associations concerned, their members, theirs actions, their success or difficulties in front of vigorous nationalisms in an island tightly halved in two until 2003. Of course these movements cannot be separated from their context, the unsuccessful negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the development of nationalisms, the heavy influence of the Mother Countries. We must also take into account the passage of time, the young adults of 2015 have lived neither the 1964 bicommunal clashes nor the 1974 Turk invasion.