It is estimated that between 20-40% of women encounter sexual harassment at a university. However, university grievance offices report that less than one percent of the student population, whether female or male, complains. Sexual harassment research indicates that a large number of people who experience sexual harassment do not label it as such and therefore, do not report it. The effectiveness of the objective sexual harassment definition in describing the experiences of students is questioned. A qualitative approach is used to explore how students define sexual harassment and how they categorize their experiences in relation to their definitions. The analysis, based on twenty interviews of upper year undergraduate students, suggests that although students define sexual harassment similarly to the objective definition, they do not relate their experiences to the definition. The disparity between abstract formulations and concrete experiences may account for the low reporting. The addition of examples of common sexual harassment experiences is suggested as a way of making the objective definition more comprehensive and accessible. An example of how the objective definition may be developed is provided in the concluding chapter.

This thesis is an exploration of perceptions of sexual harassment in Thailand, together with policies and measures against the practice. My main research questions are: How do Thai people perceive sexual harassment? And what can be done to combat and address sexual harassment in Thailand? My research also provides recommendations for measures against sexual harassment in Thailand. The Thai term &quot kan kukkam tang phet &quot is used to convey ???sexual harassment??? in this study. The participants in my study understand kan kukkam tang phet as a broad term covering sexual behaviors that range from verbal harassment to rape. In general, the participants consider that sexual harassment is a big problem in Thailand. However, my research found that there are some perceptions and attitudes of Thai people that need to be dealt with as obstructions of measures against sexual harassment, such as blaming women as a cause of sexual harassment, anti-women prejudices, and the use of the excuse of cultural differences in implementing anti-sexual harassment laws. In regard to the question of legislation addressing sexual harassment in Thailand and what can be done to help to counter it, my findings are that Thailand has no clear approach to sexual harassment; no clear legal definition of sexual harassment; no specific authority or organization at the national level to redress sexual harassment; and no statistics on sexual harassment by national surveys. The promotion of awareness of sexual harassment has not yet been the subject of formal campaigns. My thesis presents recommendations to address sexual harassment in Thailand, through both legal measures and social measures. The legal measures proposed are sexual harassment law, a code of practice, and revision of the Penal Code. I suggest that sexual harassment law should be based on an ???anti-discrimination??? approach, to be consistent with the obligations of Thailand to implement suitable measures to give effect to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Social measures including education, campaigns and surveys on sexual harassment in the Thai community are also recommended in terms of raising the understanding of the concept and awareness of the issue.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2006. / "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 66-73). Online version available on the World Wide Web. Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2006]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1994. / Includes table. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Jeannette Fleischner. Dissertation Committee: Jonathan Hughes. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 185-188).

Thesis (M.A.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1994. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 41-42). Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (Ed. D.)--East Tennessee State University, 2005. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on July 16, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 98-102).

The influence of gender pairing of perpetrator and victim on students' perceptions of the degree of severity and offensiveness of sexual harassment, as well as the degree of likelihood of the scenarios depicting sexual harassment occurring in an actual work setting were investigated.

<p>When the #MeToo movement hit its height, many of the powerful figures who were accused of harassment were people who had been previously seen as virtuous (Stockdale, Bell, Crosby, & Berdahl, 2019). The present study investigated how embodied power influenced sexual harassment (SH) judgments by manipulating the initiator to embody responsibility-focused, or self-focused power (compared to a control), and whether moral licensing, operationalized through moral crediting and moral credentialing, would mediate relations between power embodiment and SH judgments. Participants were 376 adults (42% female) residing in the U.S. who were recruited through Mturk. Moral crediting was significantly higher for perpetrators described as embodying responsibility-focused power, compared to a control condition (no power cues), which in turn was higher than perpetrators described as embodying self-focused power. Moral crediting was positively related to false accusations, SH severity (opposite of predictions), and severity of punishment. Additionally, there were gender differences in moral crediting such that the effects of power-embodiment on moral crediting were stronger for women than for men, though both were significant. Taken together, the findings of this study indicate that some initiators evade censure as their actions are seen as less severe when others believe them to have embodies responsibility-focused power. This should serve as an indication that SH is not always done by “bad actors”, but by those who appear to be virtuous. These findings should inform future SH policies, research, and training.</p>

No description available.

Yes / Before 2012, there was no law on sexual harassment in Malaysia. However, when the Employment Act 1955 was amended in 2012, employers must inquire into sexual harassment complaints, failing which a criminal penalty will be imposed. Unfortunately, the new law did not allow a complainant to claim damages from the harasser or the employer. After more than two decades of campaigns by women's rights groups and NGOs, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Bill 2021 (hereinafter 'the ASHB 2021') was finally enacted and passed in July this year. Given the novelty and absence of any academic research, this paper seeks to examine the provisions of the Bill critically to understand its scope, coverage and broader implications for sexual harassment victims. The paper employs a qualitative research methodology, adopting a doctrinal approach and content analysis of the primary source, the ASHB 2021, that would provide a deeper understanding of the legislation. The authors contend that despite being regarded as a victim-centric law, the Bill is half-baked and inadequate to protect sexual harassment victims due to its failure to include significant provisions on the sexual harassment definition, the protection against victimisation and employers' obligations to prevent and address such conduct. / The authors would like to express their gratitude to the Faculty of Law, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia, which facilitated the writing and publication workshop and funded this paper.