This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.

Thesis (M.M.S.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2000. / Bibliography: leaves 131-137.

Since the latter half of the twentieth century patterns of economic flows and the deployment of systems of production have encouraged greater political and social integration between nation states. This phenomenon, called globalisation, has reinvigorated debate about the nation state as a mode of organisation, and created the conditions for an ongoing natural experiment concerning state adjustment. This experiment, while on a global scale, has led to different responses from national governments, as each grappled with how best to accommodate both domestic and international interests. One neglected aspect of analysis in these processes is the role played by national bureaucracy in state adjustment as a means to move with globalising pressures or to resist their impact. This thesis presents a qualitative analysis of the interaction of one globalising process, foreign direct investment (FDI), and the workings of the nation state, as a means of assessing the way in which the national government has used regulatory processes and its bureaucracy to control FDI. An extended historical case study is used to examine changes in policy, regulation and the organisation of the national bureaucracy concerned with FDI in Australia. The period examined is from 1968 to 2004 enabling comparisons to be made across the experience of seven successive national governments (those led by prime ministers Gorton, McMahon, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) in the way they managed the domestic and international circumstances that impacted on FDI. This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the interaction of globalising processes, the nation state and the role played by national public bureaucracies where national and transnational interests intersect. In particular, this thesis identifies the national bureaucracy as a key agent for government in enabling and domesticating the processes of globalisation. This finding demonstrates that national bureaucracy is significant as both a facilitator and the inhibitor of processes of globalisation, and therefore is a key factor in understanding the issues of state adjustment in studies of globalisation.

La croissance des reliefs et les flux sédimentaires associés à la dynamique des marges actives en subduction sont des processus encore mal connus. Les archives géologiques sont souvent difficiles d'accès ou bien simplement mal préservées à cause de déformations importantes. Le bassin avant arc d'Hawke Bay de la marge Hikurangi en Nouvelle-Zélande constitue un objet d'étude privilégié. En effet, il est peu déformé, partiellement émergé et actif pendant le Pléistocène, période au cours de laquelle l'âge des séries sédimentaires et certains facteurs comme le climat et l'eustatisme sont bien contraints. Une étude pluridisciplinaire, intégrant l'interprétation de données sismiques marines et terrestres, l'analyse de puits, de carottes et de coupes de terrain et l'observation des bassins versants a permis d'établir l'architecture stratigraphique à très haute résolution sur le dernier 1.1 Ma de ce domaine avant arc. Cette stratigraphie montre une organisation en un empilement complexe de 11 séquences de dépôt d'origine climato-eustatique (20, 40 et 100 ka) préservées dans des sous bassins contrôlés par les structures chevauchantes actives. Ces séquences sont caractérisées par des changements paléogéographiques profonds qui évoluent entre deux états extrêmes à chaque maximum glaciaire et optimum interglaciaire. Ainsi, le domaine avant arc d'Hawke Bay montre une segmentation en sous bassins isolés par des rides tectoniques émergeantes pendant les bas niveaux marins et submergées lors des hauts niveaux marins. Aux échelles de temps supérieures à 100 ka, ces structures actives sont à l'origine, dans chacun des bassins, d'une migration progressive vers l'arc des dépocentres des séquences sous l'influence combinée de la tectonique et la charge sédimentaire. Le calcul des volumes de sédiments préservés dans chacune des séquences de dépôt, depuis les sources les plus en amont jusqu'au pied des systèmes sédimentaires les plus profonds à l'aval, permet d'estimer des flux sédimentaires qui ont transité à travers le domaine avant arc au cours de Pléistocène supérieur. Ces flux varient de ~3 à ~6 Mt.a-1. Les variations de flux à long terme (100 ka à 1 Ma) correspondent à des changements de configuration tectonique (distribution de la déformation sur les structures) du domaine avant arc et traduisent la capacité des bassins à stocker des sédiments. Les variations enregistrées à plus court terme (<100 ka) sont corrélées aux importants changements climatiques Pléistocènes, qui modifient les taux d'érosion dans le bassin versant et par conséquent, le flux sédimentaire. Cette observation montre la forte sensibilité et réactivité du domaine amont aux variations environnementales, également illustrée par le doublement des valeurs de flux sédimentaires depuis l'arrivée des européens sur le territoire néo-zélandais au 18ème siècle et le déboisement intensif qui lui a succédé.

<p>    </p> <p>The counting process is the fundamental of many real-world problems with event data. Poisson process, used as the background intensity of Hawkes process, is the most commonly used point process. The Hawkes process, a self-exciting point process fits to temporal event data, spatial-temporal event data, and event data with covariates. We study the Hawkes process that fits to heterogeneous drug overdose data via a novel semi-parametric approach. The counting process is also related to survival data based on the fact that they both study the occurrences of events over time. We fit a Cox model to temporal event data with a large corpus that is processed into high dimensional covariates. We study the significant features that influence the intensity of events. </p>

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Political Science, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-319)