This thesis takes the critical incident of the suicide of a part-time lecturer in South Korea in 2010 and the subsequent policy response as paradigmatic of the problems of governing higher education. In terms of theoretical resources, it draws on state theories, especially a cultural approach to the state, in order to understand the multiple relations and the interplay of different layers of governing practices in the governing of higher education in South Korea. This thesis argues that mainstream theories of the state are often culturally 'blind' and that the specificities of the Korean state need to be understood with reference to its particular culture, history and context. The thesis also draws on literature on higher education governance, from which three governing principles are identified as topics for investigation, along with a process-oriented approach to professionalism. The research question emerging from this is 'how does the centrality of the Korean state play out in the governing of higher education in South Korea?' Methodologically, the enquiry is shaped by critical discourse analysis (CDA). This approach explores the ways in which higher education governing discourses are related to other social elements. By analysing policy texts and institutional characteristics, the first phase of the enquiry explores how the governing discourses have been indigenised, constructing particular state-academy relations in South Korea. The second phase scrutinises the case of part-time lecturer policy in order to illuminate the distinctive governing dynamics, by which the centrality of the Korean state is assumed to be practised.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The study of student politics in Africa has evolved in the last decade from a focus on non-institutionalised student activism and student movements to institutionalised student political participation in institutions of higher education. Thus it followed a development route in which student leadership had to find new ways in which to organise their movements in institutional, national and continental political organisations to influence policy and remain relevant in students’ lives. Since this study focuses on one particular dimension of this change, the study seeks to understand the relationship between student leaders in Makerere University, Kampala, and political parties in Uganda. The specific focus of the study is on highlighting the reasons for establishing and maintaining the relationship; the arrangements necessary for the relationship to exist, and how the relationship impacts on the ability of student leaders to represent students’ interests. Following an analysis of the relevant literature in line with the topic, it was decided that a mixed methods approach would be suitable for the study. Hence in-depth interviews were conducted with student leaders and leaders of national political parties and an online survey targeting all undergraduate students at Makerere University was done (as part of a larger study). Theoretically, the study adopted a framework originally proposed by Schmitter and Streeck (1999), and adapted it to study the relationship between student leaders and political parties, drawing also on the insights of studies that had previously used adaptations of the same framework to study student leadership in other contexts. The study found a continuing historical relationship between student leaders of Makerere University and political parties in Uganda. It found that a significant number of students are members of a political party, whereby student leaders are most likely not only to be ordinary party members, but party leaders. Political parties use the student guild elections to recruit new members. As part of being members of a political party, student leaders tend to be more influential in weak political parties, in contrast to a ruling party which is more influential in student politics given its ability to provide access to government resources. Moreover, the relationship is such that student leaders from Makerere University are most likely to end up in powerful political positions in the country (e.g. Byaruhanga, 2006; Mugume and Katusiimeh, 2014); this situation corresponds to the reasons that student leaders give for establishing relationships with political parties in the first place, as most student leaders have future political ambitions. The most influential organisations in student politics appear to be political parties, followed by cultural groups on campus. The study also highlights weaknesses in formal institutional governance structures given that student leaders believe their problems are better addressed in personal networks with members of university management staff than through the committee system. The relationship between student leaders and political parties generally leads to positive developments such as student leadership training in democratic politics; consequently they are even able to satisfy their personal interests in the process. It is further argued that students who are not in leadership positions mostly gain indirectly from the benefits that student leaders may derive from their relationship with political parties. For example, student leaders may govern their organisation better. However the evidence also strongly shows that such indirect gains are highly compromised in cases where student leaders have future political ambitions, as they may sacrifice the students’ interests in order to maintain their good reputation in the party. Since most student leaders aspire to be politicians in future, the study concludes by acknowledging that the relationship between student leaders and political parties has some positive consequences to students not involved in leadership, but they are outweighed by negative consequences. Hence it is argued in the conclusion that, taking into account the scope of this study, the relationship is largely a distraction to the student leaders rather than assisting them in enhancing their ability to represent students’ concerns.

Governance is one aspect of university restructuring that in the last 20 years has become ubiquitous worldwide. The restructuring is in part a response to calls for improving governance in higher education. Keller (1983), for example, describes governance in higher education as limiting the capability of universities to make critical strategic decisions. Higher education researchers are seeking to understand governance restructuring. A few studies have been conducted in the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and Europe. However, developing countries in the Western World have also recognized the limitations of traditional higher education governance and have restructured their systems. This has prompted a need for research on higher education governance restructuring in developing nations. In the English speaking Caribbean, governance restructuring occurred in 1984 and 1996 at the University of the West Indies (UWI) and occurred again between 2004 and 2008. The purpose of this study was to examine the most recent governance restructuring at the UWI. The focus was on exploring three dimensions of organizational change: the antecedents or the factors that prompted the change in governance, the content of the change, and the change process. Three categories of antecedents were discovered: organizational, environmental, and relational antecedents. The organizational antecedent had two sub-themes: performance aspiration and institutional coherence. The environmental antecedents were global competition among nation states, competition from other tertiary education providers, and stakeholders' demands for greater access to higher education. The relational antecedent was a desire to strengthen the relationship with external stakeholders. Four themes related to the content of restructuring emerged from the data: (a) incremental change; (b) corporate/managerial decision-making approach; (c) university-wide strategic planning; and (d) responsiveness to stakeholder demands/needs. Using an archetype approach, the analysis revealed that although the UWI retained the collegiate archetype tradition, elements of another archetype were infused with the collegiate model creating a hybridized governance system. The process of the restructuring revealed three broad stages: initiation, negotiation, and the implementation stage. Collectively, the results suggest that UWI is moving, albeit slowly, away from collegiate governance towards a managerial model. More research is needed to explore the long-term impact of this shift. / Ph. D.

Thesis (PhD (Education))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The dissertation investigates whether liberal conceptions of autonomy are relevant to higher education in African. And if they are relevant, the dissertation further examines the extent to which liberal conceptions of autonomy can enhance governance arrangements of the higher education system. The focus of the research is on governance arrangements. It proceeds by exploring selected cases of African universities in order to show that these universities function autonomously along a continuum of less autonomous to more autonomous (or substantively autonomous) systems, and argues that universities with the least autonomy can be said to function as less liberal institutions and those with more autonomy function as liberal universities. Different philosophical conceptions of autonomy are examined (in Chapter 4) to foreground what may be considered as constitutive meanings or marks of liberal autonomy. The constituent elements include freedom, rationality and objectivity, authenticity and identity, responsibility, critical thinking, and the enhancement of a vibrant critical community. This discussion has considered autonomy from a specific historical context of conceptual theorisation. In view of this, autonomy can be considered as more liberal and / or less liberal depending on the characteristics of the constituent elements. A continuum exists in conceptions of autonomy. This dissertation argues for a liberal communitarian position of autonomy where the “encumbered self” is acknowledged together with its life circumstances (Callan, 1997; Sandel, 1984). The recognition of the situatedness of being further sustains the concept of a deliberative process of engagement and promotes the public good. The dissertation has also examined the development of higher education in Germany, England and the United States in order to understand how conceptions of autonomy in each of these systems have developed against the background of the particular societies at the different historical moments. For instance, Wittrock‟s (1993) account of the universities in Western Europe, England and iv America acknowledges that as much as universities are situational; that universities are neither disembodied nor mindless in terms of how they frame their missions, yet again the same universities represent a particular function and identity as reflective spaces in different societies across generations. This discussion has further looked at university autonomy through the symbolisms of the University of Reason, the University of Culture, and the University of Excellence (Readings, 1996). Chapter Five has argued that neoliberalism and globalisation can make university governance less autonomous. Despite that neoliberalism and globalisation have been ushered in to make the university space the most dynamic in research and technology, such an approach has ushered in a competition-concentrated model of higher education in Europe and America (Scott, 2006: 129-130). While acknowledging that “ economic and technological forces have impacted on the university, undermining some of its modernist assumptions based on the idea of autonomy and underpinned by academic self-governance”, Delanty (2004: 248-249) considers these shifts and forces as multidirectional and not uni-linear in the sense of one replacing another. The dissertation argues that the African higher education system has similarly been affected by globalisation and neo-liberalism. Despite their being founded on notions of freedom, globalisation and neoliberalism undermine the practice and governance of higher education on the African continent. This dissertation argues that the function of universities is not just to focus on its economic extension but also and more importantly its civic role, and proposes that higher education in Africa can fulfil its civic role by the creation of a cosmopolitan citizen. In this way, the African university has a real chance to widen its autonomy. In conclusion, the implications of this envisaged civic role of the university on academic freedom and institutional autonomy are also examined.

<p>Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general.</p>

<p>Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general.</p>

Magister Educationis - MEd / Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general. / South Africa

Thesis advisor: Hans de Wit / The family ownership context has been investigated across many business settings, within the manufacturing, trade, and services industries. The consensus among scholars has been that families that own and operate firms act in self-serving ways and frame organizational problems and make decisions with the primary goal of satisfying the family’s affective needs, i.e., preserve or augment what is referred to as socioemotional wealth. However, the theoretical reasoning of socioemotional wealth theory may fall apart in traditional university settings, where self-serving behaviors may lead to (pronounced) agency conflict. Universities have been long understood for their politicized governance environs in which multiple stakeholder groups have representation in decision-making. Within this reality, families involved in higher education management may be challenged to act self-servingly and protect or enhance certain socioemotional wealth. They may need to act in altruistic ways to avoid agency conflict. I investigate whether this is the case through a single, critical case study approach conducted at one family-owned or -managed university in India. I rely on what Yin (2003) refers to as “rival explanation as patterns” to test socioemotional theory relative to a rival theoretical framework. I ask the important question of whether this rival theory can address the limitations of socioemotional wealth theory when applied to the higher education context. As expected, findings generally suggest that where socioemotional wealth theory fails to capture family decision-making behaviors, the rival theory is relevant. This finding is important to consider and has several implications to theory, practice, and future research. Importantly, the findings support that current family-owned business theorizing is not enough to capture family decision-making behaviors in the context of traditional university settings. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

Magister Educationis - MEd / The purpose of the study is to understand the roles, functions and perceived performance of the Tertiary Education Council (TEC) in higher education governance in Botswana. The study describes the relationship between the government, the TEC and higher education institutions in Botswana. The main objectives of the study are to: a) Examine the roles and functions of the TEC in Botswana’s higher education regarding policy formulation, quality assurance and coordination in the planning and development of tertiary education. b) Explore potential tensions between the roles and functions of the TEC and those of some of its stakeholders. c) Establish the performance of the TEC in relation to the three functions of policy formulation, quality assurance and coordination in the planning and development of tertiary education. The study is located within the broader framework of higher education governance. It examines the different models of higher education governance (such as state control, state interference and state supervision models) and the relationship involved between different stakeholders in governance of higher education. Furthermore, the framework focuses on the implications of the dynamics of higher education governance on the roles and functions of buffer bodies. The study adopted a single case study approach and it was designed to allow for the use of multiple sources of evidence. Data was collected through a review of both institutional and policy documents, semi-structured interviews with eight informants from the TEC and the Ministry of Education and Skills Development, as well as a survey targeting institutional heads of higher education institutions in Botswana. The use of qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection provided useful and in-depth data and allowed for triangulation. The data was analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The findings of the study reveal that there are differing conceptions of the TEC’s role in higher education in Botswana. Whereas the TEC sees itself as ‘middleman’ between the government and higher education institutions, the higher education institutions conceptualise the role of the TEC as an extension of government. The differing views on the TEC’s role, as either buffer or agent, result in different expectations of the roles and functions of the TEC. In addition, the study revealed that Botswana’s higher education system is characterised by fragmentation and duplication of roles, which limit the mandate of the TEC, thereby creating tensions between the TEC and other constituencies in the Botswana higher education system. The study thus contributes to the understanding of the roles and functions of the TEC in the governance of higher education in Botswana. It also contributes to the understanding of the relationship between the different stakeholders involved in the governance of higher education and the implications of this relationship on the roles and functions of buffer bodies. Overall, the study shows the complexities involved in the governance of higher education in a young and evolving system of higher education, and in a context in which the roles and functions of the key players are contested and inconsistently understood.

Die vorliegende Studie untersucht, wie Hochschulen und ihr Personal politische und gesellschaftliche Erwartungen wahrnehmen, interpretieren und letztendlich in ihre Praxis einfließen lassen. Im Zentrum der Analyse steht der Verbleib hunderttausender internationaler Studierender, die zwischen 2010 und 2019 zum Studium nach Deutschland und Kanada zugewandert sind. Ihnen wird seitens der Politik ein hohes Fachkräfte- und Einwanderungspotenzial attestiert. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Arbeit umschließt drei Teilbereiche: Erstens, das Ausmaß der deutschen und kanadischen ‚Bleibepolitik‘ sowie die einschlägigen Erwartungen an Hochschulen. Zweitens, die berichtete Hochschulpraxis und drittens, die institutionellen Zusammenhänge zwischen Erwartung und Praxis. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Mehrheit der untersuchten Hochschulen den Verbleib internationaler Studierender auch ohne eine von außen zugeschriebene Zuständigkeit aktiv fördert. Einerseits konnten die befragten Hochschulprofessionellen ihre Beratungs- und Betreuungsangebote größtenteils frei und eigenverantwortlich gestalten. Andererseits war der Raum dessen, was aus Sicht des Personals als möglich und wünschenswert erschien, stark vorgeprägt durch den jeweiligen Landeskontext und die dort institutionalisierten Erwartungen: In Kanada stand der Gedanke des Wettbewerbs um internationale Studierende als zahlende Kundschaft und potentielle Einwanderinnen und Einwanderer häufig im Vordergrund. In Deutschland waren Hochschulen vergleichsweise weniger markt- und wettbewerbsorientiert. Die Handlungs- und Interpretationsmuster des Personals zeugten häufig von dem gleichen migrationspolitischen Pragmatismus, der in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Bundes- und Landespolitik mitbestimmt hatte. Internationale Studierende wurde somit als potenzielle Fachkräfte konstruiert, nicht aber als mögliche Einwanderinnen und Einwanderer. / This research explores how higher education institutions respond to societal expectations, asking three interconnected questions: First, what are Canada and Germany’s public higher education institutions expected to do to support the post-study retention of international students? Second, what do they report to be doing? And third, how are their reported practices and rationales associated with the expectations held by government agencies, the private sector, and other audiences outside of their formal boundaries? The findings show that between 2010 and 2019, a majority of higher education institutions in Canada and Germany chose to actively facilitate international students’ transition to host country employment and, albeit to a lesser extent, immigration. Although the surveyed career development and international education professionals had considerable leeway to design student services, their actions were found to be focused by the oftentimes pro-(im)migration rules, norms, and beliefs that surrounded them. In Canada, many of the professionals were found to have internalized the same market and human capital orientation that had been promoted by the Canadian government and other stakeholders for decades. To them, international students were potential immigrants and paying customers in a competitive, globalized education market. In Germany, higher education practices were found to be less market-driven. Furthermore, most professionals in Germany were found to echo their country’s historically reluctant and pragmatic approach to migration. Many reported to actively prepare international students for employment in Germany, but not for long-term immigration.