Following the military defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the political upheaval of the Revolution of 1905, the tsarist regime began a campaign to create a new, embedded patriotic culture within society that would recognize the historical legitimacy of the ruling regime and fervently support that regime in times of crisis. Many in the army's senior ranks as well as in the civilian ministries of the regime believed that an almost complete lack of ideological connection between the regime and the people caused both the revolution and the military disaster in Manchuria In 1906, the regime began to shape a coordinated and aggressive campaign of cultural transformation that would help mobilize popular attitudes in support of the empire. This effort consisted of three programs. In 1908, the Ministry of Education introduced compulsory military education to Russia's schools to teach drill and gymnastics as preparation for devoted service to the Fatherland. In that same year, the regime began encouraging the growth of paramilitary youth groups throughout the empire. Most striking, however, was the general staff's decision to make use of three immediately forthcoming national anniversaries to drive home the lessons of patriotism, national glory and civic duty. The celebrations of these anniversaries were unprecedented in scale and purpose and introduced a new type of national patriotic festival to Russian culture By bringing the efforts to instill a new patriotic and civic consciousness into focus, this dissertation expands our understanding of the late imperial period. It reveals tsarist institutions as active agents of change attempting to revitalize the relationship between the regime and the population. The results, they hoped, would be increased social stability and enhanced military might. These objectives were traditional. Yet the methods employed to achieve them were new. In its twilight, the regime grasped the importance of mobilizing popular attitudes and reacted by crafting a sophisticated effort to shape the identities of its subjects. Instead of being immobilized by revolution and military defeat, this study has documented how the tsarist regime responded to the events of 1905 with an impulse to innovate that can only be characterized as modern / acase@tulane.edu

The developmental histories of Mexico, Brazil, Taiwan, and South Korea are examined through historical-structural analyses integrating elements from evolving Modernization, Dependency, and World-System perspectives. The notion that Latin American and East Asian industrialization can be understood in terms of monolithic 'development models' defined by contrasting economic policies is rejected. The view that Latin American development has been undermined by protectionist import-substituting industrialization programs while East Asian countries have implemented more effective 'free market' policies is a distortion of the long-term historical facts. The cases' developmental trajectories reflect their participation in competitive historically-conditioned socio-economic and political relations at the state, sub-state, and supra-state levels. Actors seeking to structure the flow of financial, technological, military, labor, and other resources in their favor construct institutions that link actors at the various levels, regulate their interactions, and establish the general parameters of developmental possibilities. State and their aparata are complemented at the sub-state level by classes' and status groups' political parties, unions, religious institutions, business associations, and other organizational resources. At the supra-state level developmental parameters are established by international organizations and regimes. The rise of the Latin American and East Asian NICs is better understood within the context of their long-term incorporation into a globalizing capitalist world-economy, the United States' ascent to world hegemony, the consolidation of competing socialist and capitalist political-economic blocs, and the end of the Cold War. The theories of development that have attempted to explain these transformations have necessarily been influenced by this social context / acase@tulane.edu

The Congress Party has governed India for most of its post-independence existence. As the dominant party, its internal processes are determined by examining the interaction between the organization's hierarchy. The intermediate elite forms a vital part of this internal process. At the national level, they interact with the high command; at the local level, they work in the state and district party organizations. Intermediate elites' may be constrained by party discipline imposed by the high command. They find opportunities for individual initiative at the local and regional levels. Intermediate elites display ideological and pragmatic behavior tendencies. They view the political arena as an open competitive forum. Elites generally embrace the notion of the political entrepreneur. Elites play the role of ombudsmen and as factional leaders in party affairs. In most instances, the intermediate elite is unable to resolve basic social conflicts caused by rapid social change. The primary mode of behavior is the distribution of patronage. Elites strive to build linkages beyond their constituency and groups upwards in the party and outward in society in an effort to control the very competitive political environment / acase@tulane.edu

Taking Percy Bysshe Shelley's A Philosophical View of Reform as its key document, this dissertation makes two contributions to nineteenth-century studies. First, it locates Shelley in the context of England's colonial venture in British India, a context new to Shelleyan study, although several scholars have investigated his Orientalist elements. Second, it ties together several major, seemingly disparate--even competing--late-eighteenth- /early-nineteenth-century discourses on India, illustrating how these discourses were later enlisted to serve the English Raj. Beyond reviewing Orientalism, Utilitarianism, Evangelicalism, and Imperialism, this dissertation also treats related contemporary issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism and finds that subjectivities that middle-class males established for the Indian 'other' were later re-imported to England to further subjugate women, workers, and non-English Britishers. The View demonstrates both Shelley's knowledge of these debates and his internalized contradictions concerning India. Although chiefly concerned with Shelley's lifetime, this study also reviews late-eighteenth-century origins of the discourses and their Victorian distillation into the new imperialism Chapter One surveys period issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism; their relationship to British India; and Shelley's personal and literary treatment of these issues. Chapter Two reviews overall English Orientalism concerning India and Indic elements in Shelley's Mab through Triumph. Chapter Three treats Utilitarian projects in India and England, and outlines Shelley's mastery and later rejection of Utilitarianism (Defence) as limited rationalism. Chapter Four studies Evangelical Indian and English projects, and reviews Shelley's seeming contradictions between attacking Christianity (Essay on Christianity; View) yet approving of missionaries in India (View). Chapter Five illustrates the coalescing of the discourses into Victorian manifest imperialism in India and ideological imperialism at home. It also tests Shelley as early 'reluctant imperialist' (Brantlinger) or unwitting pre-1857 collaborator (Said). Finally, nothing Shelley's hatred of tyranny (Cenci; Prometheus Unbound) and his theories on transience of empire (Hellas), and individual progress as sole means of breaking history's repeating cycles, this study posits that Shelley, although highly conflicted, could not have guessed England's future imperialism and that he offers Jesus the anarchist as model to show Indians how to reject their 'paralysing' caste system / acase@tulane.edu

The present study examined which factors affect the national crime trends in postwar Japan from an integrated theoretical perspective, including a critical economic theory and theories of deterrence and social control. The primary focus of analysis was on structural variables involving socio-economic conditions, certainty of punishment, social bonding, and age structure. Dependent variables of interest were the rate of each type of the following five major Penal Code offenses: larceny, bodily injury, rape, robbery, and homicide. A time-series regression analysis was performed on the basis of the aggregate official data over a 35 year time period from 1954 to 1988. The major findings are that economic affluence combined with economic equality and high efficiency of police and court activities appear to be important determinants of crime trends in postwar Japan; age structure and social bonding variables appeared the least likely to be significant. Despite certain data and methodological limitations, this study suggests the postwar Japanese crime patterns can be explained by critical economic theory and deterrence theory better than social control theory and the age structure perspective. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-03, Section: A, page: 0953. / Major Professor: Gordon P. Waldo. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1992.

The Early Work of Eleanor Dark offers a thorough explanation of the poetry and short stories of Australian author Eleanor Dark (1901-1985). Included in this study are critical chapters on each of her first three novels--Slow Dawning (1932), Prelude to Christopher (1934), and Return to Coolami (1936). References to her later novels and essays are used to establish the continuity of the study. / The primary purpose of this dissertation is to map Eleanor Dark's development vis-a-vis her socio-historical context and to lay the groundwork for a post-doctoral project involving her complete career. From this perspective, her philosophical connections with her father--poet and labor politician Dowell Philip O'Reilly (1865-1923)--and her husband--author and physician Eric Payten Dark (1889-1987)--assume considerable importance. Her characters are seen as vehicles for a socially progressive viewpoint underscored by strong feminist/utopian commitments. Her technique is classified as innovative; however, the less glamorous patterns of her writing are also considered. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 56-08, Section: A, page: 3123. / Major Professor: Hunt Hawkins. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1995.

The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.

This dissertation explores the ways contemporary environmental politics in India combine older Leftist agendas with important new critiques of the role of science and technology in societal development. The primary case study is Bhopal, where micro-level issues of health care, vocational rehabilitation and housing are addressed alongside macro-level issues of international law, technology transfer and trade liberalization. The Bhopal material is situated within broader patterns of opposition through comparison with the resistance strategies of other victimized areas. Theoretically, this dissertation is an analysis of the rhetorical strategies used by Indian environmental activists in their attempts to respond to and shape contemporary politics. Each section is both an example of a specific rhetorical strategy and an analysis of the kind of information which can be carried through the specified writing form. Threaded throughout the dissertation is an accounting of how questions about writing occur not only when confronted with the task of scholarly representation but also throughout the work of political activism, particularly when it is working within an emerging discourse such as that of environmentalism. Also emphasized is the connection between rhetorics, the contexts in which they are produced and their effects on social change.

When the people of a given society contemplate the outside world, they do so with inherited but constantly changing values, assumptions, preoccupations, and aspirations. Who they are, one might say, largely determines what they perceive. For a variety of reasons, the Chinese have long had a fascination with the United States--a country which has not only been an active participant in Chinese affairs for well over a century, but which has also served as an idea and an example. Naturally, China's direct and indirect experiences with America, together with the vast cultural and political differences that still separate the two countries, have shaped Chinese perceptions. In China's search for a new political, social and economic order, America, as both a world power and as a concept, has played a major role. This dissertation examines the way images of America were transmitted to China in the twentieth century, and how these images were debated and represented (or misrepresented) by three main social groups of Chinese--the Chinese state, Chinese intellectuals, and the Chinese masses. Although America has unquestionably played a part in shaping modern China, the Chinese, for various reasons and in different ways, have constructed their own distinctive "America."

An ethnography of representation combining the following elements: (a) The American Baptist Mission to the Karen people of Burma; (b) The emergence of Karen nationalism as a consequence of the former, demonstrating the centrality of the phenomenon of "writing," introduced by the missionaries, in this process; (c) The colonial milieux in Burma, as evoked by the diverse documentary voices of American Baptists, British colonialists, and Karen Christians; (d) Ethnic politics, from the Karen rebellion after Burma's independence through the current democratic challenge posed by a coalition of Burma's largest ethnic groups, including Burman; (e) The fieldwork process; research and writing; ethnography; exoticism and primitivism; and the construction of this text itself. An ethnography of the Karen National Union, a predominantly Christian insurgent army in Burma, is constructed. Through an assemblage of texts, some of which have been translated into English for this project, the origins, construction, and articulation of organized Karen nationalism and cultural representation is depicted. The role of writing, print-technology, and the circulation of texts is demonstrated to be central to the foregoing processes in the Karen case. An anthropology of religion and an ethnography of the politics of ethnicity explicates the transitions from conversion to ethnic nationalism to ethnic separatism to democratic opposition. An evocative pastiche of discourses both reflects and contends with the impossibility of objective representation, with regard to both the subject and the process of research, which are thematically analogous: They both begin and end in religion and politics--Christianity and revolution. Diverse discursive styles and voices display the contested nature of knowledge while simultaneously participating in the experiment of re-construction. An academic, analytical style, for example, contributes to an understanding of the dynamics of the emergence of ethnic nationalism and notions of identity among Karen Christians in Burma, while the inclusion of Karen stories provides the reader with meaningful complementary ethnographic grounding. These juxtapositions simulate and stimulate the always inherent tension between daily life and retrospection; between action and reconstruction; between experience and representation; between living and writing.