This study is an interdisciplinary history the African American Pentecostal-Charismatic (AAPC) movement in the twentieth century. It aims to place the rise of African American Pentecostal-Charismaticism within the context of African American religious history in general and the greater Holiness-Pentecostal movement in particular. It examines the religious traditions (in both theology and practice) out of which the AAPC arose; the specific historical context out of which the AAPC developed; the role of leadership; the social appeal of the AAPC; and the role of gender, class, and race in shaping the growth and character of the movement. The general field of African American religious history is understudied, with the possible exception of slave Christianity. For the modern period, much of the scholarship has focused on the black church's relationship to the Civil Rights movement, and the emphasis has been on the mainline black denominations. The focus in the history of Pentecostalism has been on the early twentieth-century origins of the movement, showing its interracial nature, but little has been published on such splinter movements as the Latter Rain phenomenon and the African American Independent Pentecostal-Charismatic (AAIPC) movement. My study will be the first scholarly analysis of this movement and its latter-twentieth-century variations, and the first to place them in geo-cultural/historical/religious context. Among the major interpretive points elaborated are the following: (1) contrary to the expectations of early twentieth-century scholars, African American Pentecostalism was hardly a passing phase; (2) the advent of Pentecostalism marked an end to the hegemony of purported mainline denominations in the African American religious experience; (3) unlike mainline Protestantism and Catholicism, Pentecostalism welcomed the participation of women in its leadership; (4) a proliferation of electronic media (radio, television, and the internet) has facilitated a further dissolution of racial, geographical, and denominational barriers; and (5) independent ministers looking toward the twenty-first century have begun to reconsider their initial embrace of complete autonomy and to examine the spiritual and structural ramifications of interdependence and ecumenicalism. Perhaps this is part of the often observed path from sect to denomination that has characterized many earlier religious movements.

During the nineteenth century, both black women and white women were at the mercy of the white patriarchy, albeit at differing degrees to and natures in which they experienced bondage, marginality, and empowerment. In Minnie's Sacrifice, Frances E. W. Harper addresses the roles these women played in confronting and defeating the patriarchy. We first encounter Camilla Le Croix, the daughter of a white slave owner. Her actions parallel and reflect the evolving role of the nineteenth-century female in America: Camilla moves from the domestic sphere into the public sphere, becoming the author of a new moral code. Bernard Le Croix, Camilla's father, tries to silence Camilla's voice when she pleads to place the young orphaned slave, Louis, in their home, but Camilla prevails. Because of her involvement in their world, she witnesses the slaves' survival techniques. Drawing strength from her experiences, Camilla creates a new world for herself and her two slaves, Miriam and her grandson Louis, who is actually Camilla's step-brother. Camilla and Miriam unite to forge a new society. While Louis is being groomed by these two women for entrance into the public sphere, his future wife, Minnie, is being prepared for the same by her mother, Ellen, "the beautiful quadroon." Ellen begins her bid for empowerment when she presents her mulatto daughter, fathered by her master to visiting Northern guests. Fully aware of the physical similarities between Minnie and the slave owner's other daughter, Marie, Ellen places Minnie in a prominent position dressed so as to reveal the girls' likenesses. When the slave mistress demands that Minnie be sold, Ellen prevails in her appeals to the master. She gains freedom for Minnie, who is sent North to live as a white child, only to be reunited much later with her mother, at which time, Minnie sacrifices her rights as a white woman and embraces her black heritage. She later marries Louis, who has gained his freedom and rightful inheritance. Together, they represent a new order, one won by the works of two women, one white, one black.

Although prevailing racial ideas in the nineteenth-century South severely limited cooperation between blacks and whites, unionized Southern workers, such as the waterfront workers of Galveston, Texas, formed alliances across racial boundaries to combat efforts of employers to silence their political voices and restrict their economic power. The struggle to forge these alliances reveals how ideas about race were perpetuated and modified over time as they interacted with ideas about class, gender, and the political process and as Galveston emerged as one of the nation's leading cotton ports. This study traces race relations between black and white waterfront workers in Galveston from the city's founding in 1838 through 1920, when employers and the state broke union power. The first chapter outlines the historiographical arguments over the extent of interracial cooperation in the South in the nineteenth-century. Chapter Two sets the stage by tracing Galveston's commercial and population growth from 1838 to 1920. Chapter Three focuses on antebellum interaction between black slaves and white, mostly immigrant, wage earners and the responses of the city's slaveholding elite. Chapter Four examines the formation of racially exclusive white waterfront unions in Galveston, the efforts of African-Americans to secure work on the docks, and the limited class solidarity that emerged in the late 1890s. A brief epilogue examines relations between black and white unionists in the city in the first twenty years of the twentieth century.

This dissertation is a study of organized, professional history in the American South centered on two formal associations: the Southern History Association (1896--1907) and the Southern Historical Association (1934--present), which sponsors the Journal of Southern History. The professional historians who led these associations emerged from the memorialization culture of the Lost Cause at the turn of the twentieth-century and formed the historical wing of the resurgent intellectual commitment to regional identity that fostered the so-called Southern Renaissance. As participant intellectuals in sectional reconciliation, constitutional disfranchisement, the Great Depression, World War II, and the incipient civil rights movement, these historians often found themselves at the center of important debates about regional identity and social change in the South. This dissertation follows the protracted intellectual and political battle first to segregate and then to integrate the southern historical profession and indeed the idea of "southern history" itself. Though largely white, these historians intended to be neither pro-Confederate, sectionally chauvinistic, nor nostalgic in motivation. Instead, they constantly negotiated between their regional devotion and their national ambition, and also between their sense of their own racial integrity and the counter-claims southern African Americans and reform-minded whites made over "the South" and the meaning of its past. These historical associations were not wholly reactionary but instead fostered both a real dedication to and substantive critiques of the South and its historical practice. This dissertation keeps in focus the subtleties of change in emphasis and in interpretation that enabled more radically activist historians to lay claim to the fractures in the South's "past" and put it to use to justify change in the present. Few historians abandoned the discourse of "southern history" when its definitions became too restrictive or untrue. Instead, white and black American historians transformed the field.

<p> The purpose of this research was to study the link between the Black Power Movement and changes that occurred in higher education between 1960 and 1980. The main research question study was, "What effect did the Black Power Movement have on changes in higher education from 1960 - 1980?" The intent of this historical research is to reconstruct knowledge on the complexity of the African American freedom struggle through the voices of thirteen Black Power activists, who were leaders of Black Power organizations, faculty in Black Studies programs, and students. </p><p> The study used an interview process to conduct the study. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and a document analysis. The document analysis included primary documents, books, scholarly journals, and organizational websites. The sampling strategy was purposive because of the special knowledge of the participants. The findings were presented within organizations and across organizations. Lewins model of change was used to analyse the catalysts for change and the response of higher educational institutions. </p><p> There was a consensus among the participants interviewed and the literature reviewed that the Black Power Movement was a student-driven movement that was responsible for the formation of Black student organizations on campuses, particularly Black student unions, establishment of Black studies departments, an increase in African American faculty, and changes in curricula. The researcher discerned five major themes that describe the era, 1) the challenges of first-generation African American students on predominately White campuses, 2) the role of Black student unions in the success of African American students, 3) the lack of representation of Africans and African Americans in college courses, 4) the role of Black studies departments in providing information on Africans and African Americans, and 5) confusion between the accomplishments of the Civil Right Movement and the Black Power Movement. </p><p> The major findings of the study have implications for higher education institutions in 1) student affairs, 2) adragogy, 3) curricula, and 4) diversity education. Based on the findings, it is recommended that higher education institutions maintain and build on changes made in the past based on the lessons learned from the Black Power Movement.</p>

<p> From 1880-1920 the United States struggled to incorporate former slaves into the citizenship of the nation. Constitutional amendments legislated freedom for African Americans, but custom dictated otherwise. White people equated power and wealth with whiteness. Conversely, blackness suggested poverty and lack of opportunity. Straddling the Color Line is a multi-city examination of influential and prominent African Americans who lived with one foot in each world, black and white, but who in reality belonged to neither. These influential men lived lives that mirrored Victorian white gentlemen. In many cases they enjoyed all the same privileges as their white counterparts. At other times they were forced into uncomfortable alliances with less affluent African Americans who looked to them for support, protection and guidance, but with whom they had no commonalities except perhaps the color of their skin. </p><p> This dissertation argues two main points. One is that members of the black elite had far more social and political power than previously understood. Some members of the black elite did not depend on white patronage or paternalism to achieve success. Some influential white men developed symbiotic relationships across the color line with these elite African American men and they treated each other with mutual affection and respect. </p><p> The second point is that the nadir in race relations occurred at different times in different cities. In the three cities studied, the nadir appeared first in Charleston, then New Orleans and finally in Cleveland. Although there were setbacks in progress toward equality, many blacks initially saw the setbacks as temporary regressions. Most members of the elite were unwilling to concede that racism was endemic before the onset of the Twentieth Century. In Cleveland, the appearance of significant racial oppression was not evident until after the World War I and resulted from the Great Migration. Immigrants from the Deep South migrated to the North seeking opportunity and freedom. They discovered that in recreating the communities of their homeland, they also created conditions that allowed racism to flourish. </p>

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 2945. Adviser: Peter A. Davis. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-263) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

The legend of the Underground Railroad and the ideal of Canada as a promised land for African-American fugitive slaves have been pervasive in the Canadian imagination. In the mid-nineteenth century, myths describing British Canada West as a moral exemplar and guarantor of equal rights to all provided a sense of transcendent meaning and orientation to citizens of British and African heritage. British-Canadian school promoters hoped to lay the foundations of an ideal British society in the emerging public school system. The main proponent of this system, Egerton Ryerson, boasted of the merits of a Christian and moral education provided to all Canadians without discrimination. However, African Canadians were largely excluded from public education in Canada West, or forced into segregation, a practice that was against the spirit of egalitarian British laws. British-Canadian mythologies that called for the protection of Anglo-Saxon racial purity allowed for the introduction of this practice of school segregation. In response, many African-Canadian leaders called upon Canadian society to live up to its egalitarian ideals and promoted integration. This work examines dominant discourses that presented the British-Canadian people as a culturally pure group, unchanged by their historical environment, and contrasts these mythologies with African-Canadian mythologies that reflected the culturally diverse nature of Canadian society and emphasized the potential for human transformation in mid-nineteenth century Canada West.

This dissertation documents a generation of black women who came to politics during the 1940s in New York City. Ada B. Jackson, Pauli Murray, Anna Arnold Hedgeman, Bessie Buchanan, Jeanne Noble and Shirley Chisholm among others, worked, studied and lived in Harlem and Brooklyn. They seized the political opportunities generated by World War II and its aftermath and pursued new ways to redress the entrenched systems of oppression that denied them full rights of citizenship and human dignity. These included not only grassroots activism, but also efforts to gain insider status in the administrative state; the use of the United Nations; and an unprecedented number of campaigns for elected office. Theirs was a new politics and they waged their struggles not just for themselves, but also for their communities and for the broader ideals of equality. When World War II began, grassroots activists operated outside the halls of formal political power. Yet they understood the necessity of engaging the state and frequently endeavored to wrest power from it: the power that made life more bearable, that made the streets safer, that kept the roofs over their heads. These activists and others in women's clubs and civic organizations won favor in their communities and they increasingly pursued formal political positions. As the war drew to a close, a growing number of black women ran for elected office and sought political appointments. However, to attain political posts, they had to overcome the entrenched traditions of Tammany Hall's machine and the gendered and racialized nature of New York City politics. Most were unsuccessful, but by 1954, a few succeed. By the 1960s, black women had made their way into national politics. They were appointed to presidential commissions, the administration and won congressional office. Dorothy Height, Pauli Murray, Jeanne Noble, and Congresswoman and presidential candidate Shirley Chisholm represent the advancements black women made into the state structure. This study illustrates the kinds of political changes women helped bring about, it underscores the boundaries of what was possible vis-à-vis the state, and it traces how race, gender and the structure of the state itself shape outcomes.

This dissertation examines the impact of capitalist class transformation on African American households and community institutions during the Great Migration. The study reviews theories of rural to urban migration according to their applicability to African American migrant households. The transformation of African American households and laboring processes interacted with changes in gender and racial ideology. A historical case study of the Urban League of Pittsburgh discusses the League's racial uplift program and its implications for African American migrant households and Pittsburgh industries. The League unsuccessfully attempted to encourage black female domesticity and economic dependency on black men by encouraging wives to quit jobs and increase surplus labor within the household.