“‘Freakish Man’: sexual blues, sacred beliefs, and the transformation of Black queer identity, 1870-1959” investigates how queer Black men expressed their gender and sexual identities. It follows how, from the days of Reconstruction to the modern civil rights movement, queer Black men used various aspects of Black culture—particularly the blues, working-class social culture, and charismatic religion—to form identities that departed from dominant Black and white norms. The “freakish man” emerged as queer Black men cultivated legible, subversive gender and sexual identities in sacred and secular spaces of working-class Black culture that prioritized masculine heterosexuality. Though queer Black men were briefly successful in using their status as taboo but enticing social figures to enter the center of Black culture, they were gradually marginalized by the Black community as it moved towards inclusion into mainstream American society.

In this thesis I look at the Arkansas Project and more specifically the racial dynamics within the project and the surrounding communities in Arkansas where SNCC engaged to assist the residents fight for their civil rights. In addition, I analyze how the differences in the urban and rural communities were affected by the racial dynamics of the project's leadership. The Arkansas project was led by William Hansen, a white man, which made him and the project unique from not only other SNCC projects, but other civil rights organizations. This distinction made the strategy that had to be implemented with the project staff internally and also externally in the Arkansas communities different because his race had to be taken into consideration for all purposes. Another aspect that came into play in Arkansas was the fact that some of their activities occurred in urban communities and others occurred in rural communities. These difference in communities affected not only how the local blacks received the SNCC volunteers, but also affected how local whites received the SNCC volunteers. Although the fact that the Arkansas Project had a white field director made it unique and the racial dynamics worthy of scholarly investigation, Bill Hansen's racial identity was far from the only reason that the organization's work in Arkansas is historically significant. This thesis also looks at the important activities in which SNCC engaged and impacted because of their presence in Arkansas. Of those activities, SNCC impacted the creation of several local groups where local citizens helped to fight for their civil rights, in fighting for their civil rights, those groups engaged in sit-ins, protests, and fighting legal battles in court where some of their cases made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court and impacted the civil rights movement in the south. Two important legal cases that had ramifications for the civil rights movement beyond the state that originated in Arkansas. The cases of Lupper v. State of Arkansas and Raney v. Board of Education made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court out of Arkansas. They helped shape the civil rights movement because Lupper helped clarify sit-in cases and the constitutionality of the arrests. The arrests were deemed unconstitutional because the Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbade discrimination in places of public accommodation and allowed peaceful attempts to be served like any other member of the public from punishable activities in spite of the fact the activities occurred prior to the date of its enactment. In addition, Raney helped define desegregation efforts in the south as many states attempted to avoid the Brown v. Board of Education decision by implementing "freedom of choice plans." Freedom of choice plans were state attempts to circumvent the Brown decision by making the students and their family choose which school they would attend. These cases helped shape the civil rights movement and dealt with sit ins and integrating schools. This thesis provides an important addition to the scholarship about SNCC and SNCC's Arkansas Project.

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This work is intended to add to literature of American race relations, Lincoln history, Civil War history, and American history. It illustrates how most historians have processed Civil War and Lincoln history by centralizing emancipation as the primary policy by which all information of mid-nineteenth century political and cultural information is processed through. This research validates evidence that nineteenth century policy of the colonization of people of African descent can be equally qualified, compared to emancipation, as a central policy of this period during the Lincoln presidency and the Civil War. Considering this policy as a primary nuance of the political structure of the mid-nineteenth century speaks to a different historical implication when interpreting Civil War, Lincoln history, and American race relations of this period. Interpreting mid-nineteenth century American dynamics through a lens of what was called "colonization" of people of African descent more broadly leads historians from eighteenth century American structure into Black removal efforts via colonization in efforts to address issue of what groups would play a role in the participatory government. Penal slavery was America's resulting policy to address Negro belongingness and placement in the nation once it was evident the colonization of the nineteenth century Negro was not a viable option. It in fact, upon the failure of his largest and final colonization attempt, Lincoln replaced colonization with penal slavery as his recommended policy to become the Thirteenth Amendment. I submit that historians interpret this period considering colonization with the same influence of emancipation. First, centralizing colonization, with the concept of emancipation, adds a new emphasis on the United States recognition of Haiti and Liberia, displaying it a much more significant event in mid-nineteenth century America. Second, considering the influence of Negro colonization on mid-nineteenth century America, the period illustrates a dynamic rarely associated with the Civil War transference of American slaveocracy from chattel slavery to penal slavery—as articulated in the Thirteenth Amendment. It better explains how a Civil War of emancipation resulted in another one hundred years of oppressive federal and state racial legislation and imprisonment and broadens our interpretation of the sixteenth president. Adding the colonization of Blacks throughout the nineteenth century and following its path as a perceived solution to Negro belongingness, historians will be led in new ways to interpret how slavery was ultimately transformed during the Civil War, and not abolished in 1865, as prevalent in popular education and US scholarship laments. This research adds that slavery was actually transferred from the private sector to the public sector, specifically the judiciary branch of government, by way of the Thirteenth Amendment's restriction of slavery occurring on in result of legal processes. As important as anything else, the insertion of colonization's influence casts Lincoln as a president more accurately aligned with the primary sources of the mid-nineteenth century as opposed to popular Lincoln narratives. Lincoln's elevation of Negro colonization from private interests to federally induced migration creates a more accurate understanding of who Lincoln was and aligns better with who he represented himself to be—as opposed to only considering emancipation as the only influential policy of the period. Centralizing the significant policy of removing Blacks from the nation during the nineteenth century creates new understandings of notions and perspectives of freedom moving forward from early self-governance formation to modern American race relation.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Mark P. Parillo / ABSTRACT Historians of the integration of the American military and African American military participation have argued that the post-World War II period was the critical period for the integration of the U.S. Navy. This dissertation argues that World War II was “the” critical period for the integration of the Navy because, in addition to forcing the Navy to change its racial policy, the war altered the Navy’s attitudes towards its African American personnel. African Americans have a long history in the U.S. Navy. In the period between the French and Indian War and the Civil War, African Americans served in the Navy because whites would not. This is especially true of the peacetime service, where conditions, pay, and discipline dissuaded most whites from enlisting. During the Civil War, a substantial number of escaped slaves and other African Americans served. Reliance on racially integrated crews survived beyond the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, only to succumb to the principle of “separate but equal,” validated by the Supreme Court in the Plessy case (1896). As racial segregation took hold and the era of “Jim Crow” began, the Navy separated the races, a task completed by the time America entered World War I. The Navy paid the price in lost efficiency to maintain the policy. After the war, the Navy chose to accept African Americans solely for duty as messmen and stewards. Matters changed in World War II. The Navy eventually lifted its restrictions on African American enlistment and promotions, commissioned its first African American officers, and finally committed itself to a program of integration. The increased interaction between whites and African Americans had also led to white officers and policymakers re-assessing the value of African American sailors, a crucial sine qua non for the actualization of integration in the postwar years.

L’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne est en plein essor depuis les vingt dernières années. Il existe désormais un large éventail d’interprétations sur les événements qui mènent à la création d’Haïti. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’exposer différentes perspectives sur des questions qui demeurent cruciales dans l’historiographie contemporaine. Le mémoire est divisé en trois sections. Chacun des chapitres développe une problématique particulière de l’historiographie en mettant en parallèle les conclusions de différents chercheurs. Le premier chapitre est consacré au thème de la transformation de la révolte en révolution. Ensuite, il sera question de l'impact de la Révolution haïtienne sur l'histoire de l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique. Pour conclure, la dichotomie entre l’absence de longue date de la Révolution haïtienne dans l’historiographie occidentale et l’attention qu’elle reçoit aujourd’hui sera examinée dans le troisième chapitre. Aujourd’hui, la réécriture de la Révolution haïtienne est très populaire et attire des chercheurs de différents milieux. C’est dans ce contexte que ce mémoire présente une mise en perspective des principaux débats idéologiques de l’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne depuis les années quatre-vingt-dix. / The historiography of the Haitian Revolution has flourished over the last twenty years. A wide range of interpretations of the events that lead to the creation of Haiti now exist. The purpose of this thesis is to assess different perspectives on issues central to the contemporary historiography. The thesis is divided into three sections. Each chapter develops a particular problem in the historiography by exploring the findings of various researchers. In the first chapter, the theme of the transformation of the revolt in revolution will be studied. Then, we will analyse how researchers assess the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the history of slavery in the Atlantic world. To conclude, the dichotomy between the longstanding absence of the Haitian Revolution in the Western historiography and the attention it receives today will be discussed in the third chapter. Today, the Haitian Revolution draws a great amount of attention from researchers from different backgrounds. It is in this context that this thesis presents a perspective of the major ideological debates in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution since the 1990s.

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis. / Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.

Envisioned by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1967, the Poor People's Campaign (PPC) represented a bold attempt to revitalize the black freedom struggle as a movement explicitly based on class, not race. Incorporating African Americans, ethnic Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, American Indians, and poor whites, the PPC sought a broad coalition to travel to Washington, D.C., and pressure the government to fulfill the promise of the War on Poverty. Because of King's death and the campaign's subsequent premature end amid rain-driven, ankle-deep mud and just a few, isolated policy achievements, observers then and scholars since have dismissed the campaign as not only a colossal failure, but also the death knell of the modern freedom struggle. Using a wide range of sources - from little-used archives and Federal Bureau of Investigation files to periodicals and oral histories - this project recovers the broader significance of the campaign. Rejecting the paradigm of success and failure and placing the PPC in the broader context of the era's other social movements, my analysis opens the door to the larger complexity of this pivotal moment of the 1960s. By highlighting the often daunting obstacles to building an alliance of the poor, particularly among blacks and ethnic Mexicans, this study prompts new questions. How do poor people emancipate themselves? And why do we as scholars routinely expect poor people to have solidarity across racial and ethnic lines? In fact, the campaign did spark a tentative but serious conversation on how to organize effectively across these barriers. But the PPC also assisted other burgeoning social movements, such as the Chicano movement, find their own voices on the national scene, build activist networks, and deepen the sophistication of their own power analyses, especially after returning home. Not only does this project challenge the continued dominance of a black-white racial framework in historical scholarship, it also undermines the civil rights master narrative by exploring activism after 1968. In addition, it recognizes the often-competing, ethnic-driven social constructions of poverty, and situates this discussion at the intersection of the local and the national. / Dissertation

L’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne est en plein essor depuis les vingt dernières années. Il existe désormais un large éventail d’interprétations sur les événements qui mènent à la création d’Haïti. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’exposer différentes perspectives sur des questions qui demeurent cruciales dans l’historiographie contemporaine. Le mémoire est divisé en trois sections. Chacun des chapitres développe une problématique particulière de l’historiographie en mettant en parallèle les conclusions de différents chercheurs. Le premier chapitre est consacré au thème de la transformation de la révolte en révolution. Ensuite, il sera question de l'impact de la Révolution haïtienne sur l'histoire de l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique. Pour conclure, la dichotomie entre l’absence de longue date de la Révolution haïtienne dans l’historiographie occidentale et l’attention qu’elle reçoit aujourd’hui sera examinée dans le troisième chapitre. Aujourd’hui, la réécriture de la Révolution haïtienne est très populaire et attire des chercheurs de différents milieux. C’est dans ce contexte que ce mémoire présente une mise en perspective des principaux débats idéologiques de l’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne depuis les années quatre-vingt-dix. / The historiography of the Haitian Revolution has flourished over the last twenty years. A wide range of interpretations of the events that lead to the creation of Haiti now exist. The purpose of this thesis is to assess different perspectives on issues central to the contemporary historiography. The thesis is divided into three sections. Each chapter develops a particular problem in the historiography by exploring the findings of various researchers. In the first chapter, the theme of the transformation of the revolt in revolution will be studied. Then, we will analyse how researchers assess the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the history of slavery in the Atlantic world. To conclude, the dichotomy between the longstanding absence of the Haitian Revolution in the Western historiography and the attention it receives today will be discussed in the third chapter. Today, the Haitian Revolution draws a great amount of attention from researchers from different backgrounds. It is in this context that this thesis presents a perspective of the major ideological debates in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution since the 1990s.

No description available.