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The purpose of this study is to analyze the overall rhetorical structure of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee during 1960-1968. The criteria used in this study were adapted from: Joseph R. Gusfield, "Protest, Reform, and Revolt - A Reader in Social Movements;" Dan F. Hahn and Ruth Gonchar, "Studying in Social Movements: A Rhetorical Methodology;" Kurt Lang and Gladys Lang, "Collective Dynamics;" Leland M. Griffin, "The Rhetoric of Historical Movements;" Herbert W. Simons, "Requirements, Problems, and Strategies: A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements." Gusfield's definition of a movement as "socially shared activities and beliefs directed toward the demand for change in some aspect of the social order" is utilized. To examine the rhetorical structure, it is necessary to divest it from the complex structural aspects of a movement. Simons' theory of the "grand flow" of a movement's persuasion guided this study. The rhetorical requirements of a movement are introduced in Chapter I. The requirements tend to fall into the following sub-categories: the ideology, the strategy, the goals, the membership, and the leadership. Chapter II is devoted to the setting during which the movement was founded. It includes a brief history of social unrest in civil rights struggles in the United States between the years 1950-1960. Chapter III examines the structure of SNCC based upon the philosophy of love and nonviolence, approximately 1960-1964. Chapter IV examines the structure of SNCC based upon a philosophy of hatred and rejection, approximately 1964-1968. The chapter also includes a postscript discussing SNCCts progressive movement away from the philosophy of nonviolence after 1968.

This dissertation situates concerns of food access and nutrition at the center of United States struggles for racial justice during the long civil rights era. The persistence of widespread hunger amidst agricultural abundance created a need and an organizing opportunity that proponents of black freedom readily seized, recognizing the capacity of food to perpetuate oppression and to promote human equality. These efforts took many forms. Chapter One examines the dietary laws and food economy of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam. Muhammad's prohibition of pork, processed commodities, and "soul food" aimed to improve the health of black Americans while elevating them morally and spiritually. Muslim food enterprises established to provision the Black Muslim diet encouraged black industry, autonomy, and self-help by mirroring the white capitalist food system. Chapter Two analyzes the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's Food for Freedom campaign of the early 1960s. In response to local efforts to thwart voter registration by withholding federal food aid from Mississippi sharecroppers, SNCC launched a nationwide food drive. SNCC's assessment of food security as a civil right, directly linked to the ability of the rural poor to exercise the franchise, resonated with northern sympathizers, prompting the development of Friends of SNCC chapters to support those starving for freedom. Chapter Three investigates the Black Panther Party's community food initiatives. Beginning with free breakfast programs for schoolchildren and culminating in spectacular food giveaways, these endeavors worked to neutralize the power of hunger to inhibit the physical development, educational advancement, and political engagement of the urban poor. In doing so, the Panthers forged unlikely alliances while sparking police and FBI repression. Programs and campaigns such as these acknowledged and resisted the function of hunger in maintaining structures of white privilege and black oppression, politicizing hunger and malnutrition by construing them as intended outcomes of institutional racism. This study offers revealing historical precursors to twenty-first century debates about hunger, food security, food deserts, childhood nutrition, obesity, agricultural subsidies, and federal food aid, investigating the civil rights era through the lens of food politics while adding historical context to scholarship of food justice.

"Our Fight is for Right": The NAACP Youth Councils and College Chapters' Crusade for Civil Rights, 1963-1965 by Tommy L. Bynum Under the Direction of Jacqueline A. Rouse ABSTRACT At the 26th Annual Convention of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1935, Juanita Jackson, special assistant to Walter White, challenged the Association to start a national youth movement. Aware of the impact of other youth movements, Jackson proposed that the NAACP rally its youth around the injustices that plagued their lives. In 1936, the NAACP’s National Board of Directors appointed Jackson as the first national youth director, and she, along with her successors, established a vibrant youth movement within the Association. Working within the scope of the Association’s national agenda, the youth councils and the college chapters staged anti-lynching demonstrations and campaigned for equal educational and employment opportunities and civil liberties. Indeed, the youth division gave young people a voice within the NAACP and harnessed their collective energy to fight against racial inequality. Although the history of black youth activism has long been overshadowed by the dominant narratives of youth in the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the untold story of the NAACP youth movement reveals that grass-roots organizing and nonviolent direct action (much of what has been associated with CORE and SNCC student activists) were methods the youth councils and college chapters employed in the 1930s and 1940s. It was these tactics, which continued throughout the 1950s and 1960, that provided a framework for youth activism within CORE and SNCC. Focusing largely on the youth councils, this research examines the NAACP youth movement and its influence on youth activism, providing a fuller understanding of youth’s role in the fight for civil rights from 1936 to 1965. INDEX WORDS: Youth Councils, College Chapters, NAACP, Juanita Jackson, CORE, SNCC, Walter White

Many academic and popular accounts of the Civil Rights era emphasize nonviolent activists and activism at the expense of those who embraced armed self-defense and resistance. Nevertheless, the latter played a significant role within these struggles. One of the most significant was Robert F. Williams, a black militant activist—and president of the local NAACP chapter in Monroe, North Carolina—who embraced armed self-defense as a necessary and instrumental component for the liberation of black people in America. After publicly declaring that blacks should defend themselves and hold racist whites accountable through armed self-defense, he was met with immeasurable backlash from other civil rights leaders and organizations, including the national NAACP. The purpose of this study is to examine his beliefs in the necessity of armed self-defense, as well as his impact on the civil rights movement.

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In this thesis I look at the Arkansas Project and more specifically the racial dynamics within the project and the surrounding communities in Arkansas where SNCC engaged to assist the residents fight for their civil rights. In addition, I analyze how the differences in the urban and rural communities were affected by the racial dynamics of the project's leadership. The Arkansas project was led by William Hansen, a white man, which made him and the project unique from not only other SNCC projects, but other civil rights organizations. This distinction made the strategy that had to be implemented with the project staff internally and also externally in the Arkansas communities different because his race had to be taken into consideration for all purposes. Another aspect that came into play in Arkansas was the fact that some of their activities occurred in urban communities and others occurred in rural communities. These difference in communities affected not only how the local blacks received the SNCC volunteers, but also affected how local whites received the SNCC volunteers. Although the fact that the Arkansas Project had a white field director made it unique and the racial dynamics worthy of scholarly investigation, Bill Hansen's racial identity was far from the only reason that the organization's work in Arkansas is historically significant. This thesis also looks at the important activities in which SNCC engaged and impacted because of their presence in Arkansas. Of those activities, SNCC impacted the creation of several local groups where local citizens helped to fight for their civil rights, in fighting for their civil rights, those groups engaged in sit-ins, protests, and fighting legal battles in court where some of their cases made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court and impacted the civil rights movement in the south. Two important legal cases that had ramifications for the civil rights movement beyond the state that originated in Arkansas. The cases of Lupper v. State of Arkansas and Raney v. Board of Education made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court out of Arkansas. They helped shape the civil rights movement because Lupper helped clarify sit-in cases and the constitutionality of the arrests. The arrests were deemed unconstitutional because the Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbade discrimination in places of public accommodation and allowed peaceful attempts to be served like any other member of the public from punishable activities in spite of the fact the activities occurred prior to the date of its enactment. In addition, Raney helped define desegregation efforts in the south as many states attempted to avoid the Brown v. Board of Education decision by implementing "freedom of choice plans." Freedom of choice plans were state attempts to circumvent the Brown decision by making the students and their family choose which school they would attend. These cases helped shape the civil rights movement and dealt with sit ins and integrating schools. This thesis provides an important addition to the scholarship about SNCC and SNCC's Arkansas Project.

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