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This dissertation addresses how from 1930 to 1980 two minority religious groups, the Nation of Islam and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), used food to express their separate and superior status as God's chosen people while at the same time engaging the values of broader American culture. Outsiders in American religion are, in many ways, consummate insiders seeking to craft an ideal society. Historian R. Laurence Moore has argued that, by inventing themselves through a sense of opposition, religious outsiders contributed substantially to what we think of as American culture. This study of Mormons and Nation Muslims focuses more on the way values from American culture also shaped belief and behavior in two outsider groups. I build on Moore's insight to conclude that, at the same time outsider groups rebelled against what they defined as white Protestants' transgressions or faults, they negotiated their own worth in relation to white Protestant values that they had quite thoroughly internalized. The processes of cultural assimilation and separation for these outsider religious groups happened simultaneously. As each group worked out what its separateness and superiority meant in everyday patterns of eating, each developed a cuisine that represented its deeply held religious and cultural priorities. In Mormonism, the greatest value was self-sufficiency, while for the Nation it was health; both groups also used foodways to stress refinement and a sense of chosenness. This study analyzes food habits in their entirety, discussing not only prohibitions, as other scholars do, but also recipes, fasting, food production, and table manners. Major sources include magazine and newspaper articles, speech transcripts, oral history interviews, devotional literature, and cookbooks. Food habits tell how Nation Muslims and Mormons invoked traditional American values but applied those values in their own way in order to be "in but not of" the world. / 2019-05-31T00:00:00Z

This dissertation situates concerns of food access and nutrition at the center of United States struggles for racial justice during the long civil rights era. The persistence of widespread hunger amidst agricultural abundance created a need and an organizing opportunity that proponents of black freedom readily seized, recognizing the capacity of food to perpetuate oppression and to promote human equality. These efforts took many forms. Chapter One examines the dietary laws and food economy of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam. Muhammad's prohibition of pork, processed commodities, and "soul food" aimed to improve the health of black Americans while elevating them morally and spiritually. Muslim food enterprises established to provision the Black Muslim diet encouraged black industry, autonomy, and self-help by mirroring the white capitalist food system. Chapter Two analyzes the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's Food for Freedom campaign of the early 1960s. In response to local efforts to thwart voter registration by withholding federal food aid from Mississippi sharecroppers, SNCC launched a nationwide food drive. SNCC's assessment of food security as a civil right, directly linked to the ability of the rural poor to exercise the franchise, resonated with northern sympathizers, prompting the development of Friends of SNCC chapters to support those starving for freedom. Chapter Three investigates the Black Panther Party's community food initiatives. Beginning with free breakfast programs for schoolchildren and culminating in spectacular food giveaways, these endeavors worked to neutralize the power of hunger to inhibit the physical development, educational advancement, and political engagement of the urban poor. In doing so, the Panthers forged unlikely alliances while sparking police and FBI repression. Programs and campaigns such as these acknowledged and resisted the function of hunger in maintaining structures of white privilege and black oppression, politicizing hunger and malnutrition by construing them as intended outcomes of institutional racism. This study offers revealing historical precursors to twenty-first century debates about hunger, food security, food deserts, childhood nutrition, obesity, agricultural subsidies, and federal food aid, investigating the civil rights era through the lens of food politics while adding historical context to scholarship of food justice.

<p>Up until the 19th century, religion was used as a way of legitimizing slavery in America. With the rise of the civil rights movement religion seems to have played a quite different role. This essay aims to explore the role of religion in the ideologies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. The speeches, writings and actions of these two men have been analysed in hope that the result will contribute to the larger study of American civil rights history.</p><p>This essay proposes that both Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X infused their political message with religious ideas and that they leaned on religion for support and inspiration. By analysing the discourse headed by King and X it becomes clear that in direct contrast to how religion was used during slavery, religion was used as a way of legitimizing equality (and in some cases black superiority) between races during the civil rights movement.</p>

Up until the 19th century, religion was used as a way of legitimizing slavery in America. With the rise of the civil rights movement religion seems to have played a quite different role. This essay aims to explore the role of religion in the ideologies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. The speeches, writings and actions of these two men have been analysed in hope that the result will contribute to the larger study of American civil rights history. This essay proposes that both Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X infused their political message with religious ideas and that they leaned on religion for support and inspiration. By analysing the discourse headed by King and X it becomes clear that in direct contrast to how religion was used during slavery, religion was used as a way of legitimizing equality (and in some cases black superiority) between races during the civil rights movement.

Tal escrita versa sobre relações raciais e as representações a elas atreladas. Atém-se aos ideais de branquitude e negritude construídos ao longo da história dos Estados Unidos da América, enfocando o debate nas representações construídas pelos livros religiosos de um movimento nacionalista preto chamado Nação do Islã, cujo autor é seu ministro Elijah Muhammad. Uma análise desses escritos cotejados com as ideias de outros movimentos e pensadores negros (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), assim como com a noção de branquitude – paradigma ontológico da constituição nacional estadunidense –, almejam pensar a identidade e o lugar de fala a partir da influência de marcadores sociais da diferença como raça e religião principalmente. O discurso da Nação do Islã é visto, por fim, como antidialógico, pois prega a morte de seu interlocutor, o que acabou realmente ocorrendo. / This text is about racial relations and their representations. It concentrates on whiteness and blackness ideals developed during the United States of America history, debating about representations constructed by the religious books of a black nationalism movement named Nation of Islam, whose author is its honorable minister Elijah Muhammad. An analysis of the contents of these books compared with others black movements and intellectuals ideas (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), along with the notion of whiteness – ontological paradigm for the national constitution of United States –, seeks to think on identity and speech place considering the influence of social markers of difference such as race and religion mainly. At last, Nation of Islam discourse is considered antidialogical because it preaches the death of its interlocutor, what really happened.

During Elijah Muhammad’s tenure as leader of the Nation of Islam, he launched an economic program that sought to empower black people in America. This study examines the perceptions and experiences of five individuals who were directly involved in Muhammad’s economic program using a phenomenological approach. The findings of this study revealed that this program helped them develop an identity, provided a way out of economic oppression, improved their work ethic, made them economically self-sufficient, and the pioneers believe that this program has current applications.

Tal escrita versa sobre relações raciais e as representações a elas atreladas. Atém-se aos ideais de branquitude e negritude construídos ao longo da história dos Estados Unidos da América, enfocando o debate nas representações construídas pelos livros religiosos de um movimento nacionalista preto chamado Nação do Islã, cujo autor é seu ministro Elijah Muhammad. Uma análise desses escritos cotejados com as ideias de outros movimentos e pensadores negros (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), assim como com a noção de branquitude – paradigma ontológico da constituição nacional estadunidense –, almejam pensar a identidade e o lugar de fala a partir da influência de marcadores sociais da diferença como raça e religião principalmente. O discurso da Nação do Islã é visto, por fim, como antidialógico, pois prega a morte de seu interlocutor, o que acabou realmente ocorrendo. / This text is about racial relations and their representations. It concentrates on whiteness and blackness ideals developed during the United States of America history, debating about representations constructed by the religious books of a black nationalism movement named Nation of Islam, whose author is its honorable minister Elijah Muhammad. An analysis of the contents of these books compared with others black movements and intellectuals ideas (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), along with the notion of whiteness – ontological paradigm for the national constitution of United States –, seeks to think on identity and speech place considering the influence of social markers of difference such as race and religion mainly. At last, Nation of Islam discourse is considered antidialogical because it preaches the death of its interlocutor, what really happened.

Tal escrita versa sobre relações raciais e as representações a elas atreladas. Atém-se aos ideais de branquitude e negritude construídos ao longo da história dos Estados Unidos da América, enfocando o debate nas representações construídas pelos livros religiosos de um movimento nacionalista preto chamado Nação do Islã, cujo autor é seu ministro Elijah Muhammad. Uma análise desses escritos cotejados com as ideias de outros movimentos e pensadores negros (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), assim como com a noção de branquitude – paradigma ontológico da constituição nacional estadunidense –, almejam pensar a identidade e o lugar de fala a partir da influência de marcadores sociais da diferença como raça e religião principalmente. O discurso da Nação do Islã é visto, por fim, como antidialógico, pois prega a morte de seu interlocutor, o que acabou realmente ocorrendo. / This text is about racial relations and their representations. It concentrates on whiteness and blackness ideals developed during the United States of America history, debating about representations constructed by the religious books of a black nationalism movement named Nation of Islam, whose author is its honorable minister Elijah Muhammad. An analysis of the contents of these books compared with others black movements and intellectuals ideas (Malcolm X, Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, etc.), along with the notion of whiteness – ontological paradigm for the national constitution of United States –, seeks to think on identity and speech place considering the influence of social markers of difference such as race and religion mainly. At last, Nation of Islam discourse is considered antidialogical because it preaches the death of its interlocutor, what really happened.

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är främst att försöka ge en nyanserad bild av förekomsten av antisemitism i Nation of Islam men även att försöka ge möjliga förklaringar till varför den uppstått. Utgångspunkten är att försöka förstå situationen snarare än att enbart fördöma den, men jag vill poängtera att det naturligtvis inte är likgiltigt med acceptans.</p><p>Uppsatsen koncentrerar sig på följande frågeställningar:</p><ul><li>Hur understödjer/legitimerar man antisemitiska uttalanden?</li><li>Vilken utveckling följer de genom organisationens utveckling?</li><li>I vilket sammanhang förekommer de och till vilket ursprung kan man härleda dem?</li></ul>