Cette these examine la Marine royale canadienne (M.R.C.) pour la periode 1919-1936. L'auteure etudie d'une facon approfondie les objectifs a long terme de l'etat-major de la Marine. Le probleme pose est le suivant: quels etaient ces buts et comment l'etat-major comptait-il les atteindre tout en respectant les orientations tres souvent contraires a sa volonte que lui dictaient les gouvernements federaux de l'epoque? L'auteure est d'avis que par le biais des exercises et des activites entrepris, la creation de forces de reserve et l'entrai nement dispense aux hommes, l'etat-major de la Marine cherchait quatre choses: interesser la population et les hommes politiques canadiens a son sort; posseder une force composee de marins competents et efficaces; disposer d'une flotte convenable pour assurer la defense des cotes canadiennes; enfin, canadianiser la M.R.C. afin de plaire aux desirs d'autonomie de la population canadienne. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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No description available.

This study aims to examine the changes in women's hockey in relation to the fact that it became an Olympic sport in 1992. More specifically, it focuses on participation rates within Canadian hockey, the situation of women's hockey in Canadian Universities, and the print media coverage of the 1990 and 1997 Women's World Hockey Championships. Minutes from the Canadian Hockey Association's Female Council annual and semi-annual general meetings, and the Canadian Hockey Association's Registration reports were used in order to describe participation rates in Canadian hockey before and after Olympic status. A questionnaire was created in order to describe the state of women's hockey in Canadian Universities. This questionnaire was sent to all of the Universities listed in the CIAU handbook. In addition, minutes from the 1996 CIAU board of directors meeting and the 1996 annual general meeting were used to provide information relating to the reasons that women's hockey was added to the CIAU Championship Program. The study included a print media analysis of the Ottawa Citizen and the Toronto Star coverage of the 1990 and 1997 Women's World Championships. Results of the study indicated that participation rates increased after Olympic status at the club level and in the University system. The media analysis of the Women's World Championships for both the Ottawa Citizen and the Toronto Star revealed that the quantity of articles did not change much after Olympic status, whereas the content of the articles improved in 1997. That is, the diversity of the content of the articles increased, in that, for example, player profiles were introduced in the 1997 coverage. However the results did not demonstrate any significant change in women's ice hockey in Canada since this sport pined Olympic status. Moreover, the results were not able to indicate whether there was a direct link between the above mentioned changes and the fact that women's hockey became an Olympic sport.

Jamais, dans l'histoire canadienne, l'opposition entre francophones et anglophones n'a été aussi profonde que sur la question de l'enrôlement militaire obligatoire pour service outre-mer pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Cette thèse de maîtrise tente de démontrer que la crise de la conscription pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale s'inscrit comme un maillon spécifique dans la chaîne du processus de transformation de l'identité canadienne-française au Québec en une identité québécoise. Par une analyse de l'espace discursif généré par l'événement, l'auteur veut montrer que la crise de la conscription pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale a ébranlé certaines assises et certains référents fondamentaux de cette collectivité. Il cherche ainsi à comprendre plus spécifiquement en quoi celleci s'inscrit comme un moment important dans le processus de construction de l'identité des Canadiens français du Québec.

Ce travail de recherche porte sur la description de la multiplicité des voies de la justice lors d'un illégalisme défini comme une affaire. L'illégalisme qui est étudié dans cette thèse appartient au domaine de la santé publique. Notre recherche de type qualitatif descriptif a pour objet la description de l'application des voies de la justice canadienne en ce qui a trait aux crimes du domaine de la santé publique. Une étude de cas portant sur l'affaire du sang contaminé au Canada nous aide à cerner la provenance de la multiplicité des voies de la justice lors d'un tel illégalisme. Pour ce faire, nous percevons l'affaire du sang contaminé au Canada comme un illégalisme privilégié. C'est cette définition qui démontre le mieux l'éclatement des voies de la justice dans l'affaire du sang contaminé au Canada. L'étude démontre qu'il n'existe pas de mode de règlement de conflit prédéterminé dans un illégalisme comme l'affaire du sang contaminé. Le sang distribué durant les années 80 et le début des années 90 est la cause des illégalismes traités dans cette thèse. Toutes les actions et inactions ayant menés, durant cette période, à la distribution du sang contaminé font partie de l'affaire du sang contaminé au Canada.

In 1892 the Ontario government passed the Ontario Game and Fisheries Act. This legislation, designed to conserve wildlife throughout the province, was applied to Native peoples residing in Ontario. This led to conflict between the Ontario government, through its Game Commission, the Dominion government, via Indian Affairs, and Aboriginal peoples throughout the province. Natives, in this thesis the Ojibwa of the Robinson Treaties, were and are a federal responsibility under the constitution. Ontario, however, was acting within its constitutional jurisdiction by regulating a natural resource within its provincial boundaries. The conflict arose over whether provincial legislation can be applied to an area of federal concern, and contrary to promises contained within the Robinson Treaties that the Ojibwa could continue to hunt trap and fish as they had "heretofore been in the habit of doing." Beyond this constitutional and jurisdictional level, political concerns also played a part. Indian Affairs' bureaucrats were not completely adverse to regulating Ojibwa hunting as a means of hastening its own policy of acculturation, and they were unwilling to openly challenge the Ontario government over Native rights. The Ontario Game Commission, and its later incarnation was unwilling to compromise its control over wildlife which during the twentieth century became an increasingly important resource. The Ojibwa, politically powerless, lost control of the one resource which they were guaranteed access to by the Crown during treaty negotiations in 1850: wildlife. Ojibwa arguments for continued access were founded almost exclusively on the Robinson Treaties, but these were agreements which neither the Dominion nor the Ontario government were interested in.

This thesis explores the meanings that North Americans derived from mill and factory closings between 1969 and 1984. In doing so, it finds that the significance drawn from industrial transformation was filtered through one's nationality. In the United States, plant closings generally signalled the end of the industrial era. As the physical stature of blast furnaces and smokestacks made them stand tall in people's minds, the fall of industry from its privileged position in the American economy played itself out in their ritualistic demolition. Dramatic images of failing blast furnaces, in turn, lent authority to those who claimed that the industrial era had ended. Canadians, by contrast, interpreted plant shutdowns in nationalist terms. Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, shutdowns were blamed on American economic domination. In the face of economic dislocation, workers on either side of the Canada-United States border struggled to retain their dignity and identity. Yet strategies of collective resistance differed dramatically as the narratives of displaced workers revealed. In the United States, the anti-shutdown movement was confined to the local by invoking a notion of "community" tied to place. This "miniaturization" of community proved to be a feeble weapon for workers facing job loss. Indeed, the nation's political, business and union leadership felt little attachment to communities based in towns or cities other than their own. Hence, the "community" strategy, predicating on emotional appeals to people and place, failed to politicize a contractual---and therefore private---matter between an employer and his or her employees. To constrain the destructive tendencies of capitalism between 1969 and 1984, another weapon was needed, namely the ideal of a "national community." The motive power of community to validate and legitimate resistance to plant shutdowns by enlargening the radius of trust was greatest in Canada. By literally wrapping themselves in the Maple Leaf flag, Canadian workers won important legislative victories that forced companies to soften the blow of displacement. In the final analysis, then, an emerging economic nationalist discourse incorporated plant shutdowns into the very centre of its anti-imperial critique of foreign---usually American---multinational corporations. For a time, the nationalist resistance to plant shutdowns enforced what could be called a "moral economy" on companies operating in Canada. Economic nationalism thus acted as a kind of ideological rust-proofing that denied the "Rust Belt"---the image and the reality---entry into Canada and slowed the pace of industrial change and the accompanying social disruption between 1969--1984.

Much of the recent legal historiography of Upper Canada dwells on the motivations of the governing class in implementing statute law and operating legal institutions. Some authors employ a relatively radical interpretation of Elite motivation, insisting on a self-interest manifested through the manipulation and, occasionally, the outright disregard of law, institutions and legal ideology. For others, a fair interpretation of the behaviour of historical actors attempts to understand those actors on terms consistent with contemporary ideals. The result is a more conservative functionalism that interprets the role of law in history relative to the accomplishment of those ideological imperatives to which decision-makers were committed. However, the tendency in both approaches is to the subordination of law in legal history. The consequence is a reductionism in Upper Canada's legal history, by which the law is rendered epiphenomenal, secondary to politics, economics or, perhaps, self-interest. The overarching theme of this thesis is that very little legal-historical activity can clearly be characterized as purely self-interested, or purely idealistic. Rather, much of what occurs in the legislative chamber and in the minds of decision-makers is concerned with the mundane events of ordinary life, and not with the political intrigue and idealism that arguably emerges from consideration of events of particularly high political drama. To illustrate, this thesis will consider the Upper Canadian legal response to the cholera epidemics of 1832 and 1834. First, an attempt will be made to analyse the reluctance of the executive government to employ initiatives (both executive action and legislation) to combat the disease similar to initiatives in neighbouring jurisdictions. The executive and legislative responses will be seen to be motivated in large part by commitment to a widely shared vision of the public good inconsistent with many ordinary public health measures, including quarantine, reflecting some of the idealism one might predict through the conservative functionalism that characterizes much of Upper Canada's recent legal historiography. Secondly, the municipal legal response to the disease will be considered to illustrate the way in which a great deal of law develops not out of self-interest or idealism, but rather out of environmental pressure. The history of the legal response to the cholera epidemics is incomplete unless proper account is taken of the more mundane response of municipal authorities to the disease. It is in this arena that the legal historian can overcome the subordination of law to politics, and instead consider law as a mechanism to defend a relatively pristine legal community from environmental threat. The conclusion is that, to be more complete, Upper Canada's legal history must privilege environmental pressures as well as Elite motivation in the design and implementation of law and legal institutions.

Since Confederation, the federal government has pursued a policy of assimilation toward Canada's First Nations. Measures such as the Indian Act, the creation of reserves, and numerous treaties were implemented to "civilize" Natives, dispose of Aboriginal land rights, and ultimately integrate Natives within Canadian society. However, by the Second World War, most federal authorities realized that the government's policy had failed. Thus, other means were adopted to achieve the goal of assimilation. The new method, first elaborated in the late 1940s, proposed that the federal government devolve its jurisdiction over First Nations to the provincial governments so that Natives could receive provincial services on the same basis as non-Natives and thus be considered "normal" citizens. Consequently, federal Indian administration, the Indian Act, and the special status of Natives could be abolished since they had received full citizenship with all its benefits and responsibilities. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the federal and provincial governments signed agreements to arrive at this end with Ontario leading the way. However, in 1969, this method of integration met the same forsaken fate as its predecessors. This thesis will examine the federal government's integration policy from 1945 to 1969 by focusing, but not limiting itself, to the agreements that were signed between Ontario and Ottawa regarding the delivery of social services. The study will also look at the Native reaction toward this policy and the rise of opposition which led to its demise.