acase@tulane.edu

No description available.

<p> Between 1969 and 1972, the Philippines experienced significant political unrest after Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos&rsquo; successful reelection campaign. Around the same time, American President Richard Nixon formulated a foreign policy approach that expected its allies to be responsible for their own self-defense. This would be known as the Nixon Doctrine. This approach resulted in Marcos&rsquo; declaration of martial law in September 1972, which American officials silently supported. American officials during this time also noted Marcos&rsquo; serving of American business and military interests. Existing literature differed on the extent Marcos served what he thought were American interests. Stanley Karnow&rsquo;s <i>In Our Image</i> noted that Marcos did not adequately serve American interests, noting that he sent an insignificant amount of soldiers to Vietnam. Karnow also did not mention business interests. Raymond Bonner&rsquo;s <i>Waltzing with a Dictator </i> mentioned that Marcos was effective for serving American business and military interests. James Hamilton-Paterson&rsquo;s <i> America&rsquo;s Boy</i> agrees with Bonner&rsquo;s assessment, also noting that Marcos served American business and military interests. Materials from the <i>Digital National Security Archive</i> (DNSA) and <i> Foreign Relations of the United States</i> (FRUS) series affirmed Bonner and Hamilton-Paterson&rsquo;s position, while noting that Karnow&rsquo;s work was outdated because of the limited information he had when <i>In Our Image</i> was published. There are three issues that concerned the U.S.-Philippine relationship under President Marcos during this time. The first issue was the societal and political unrest that threatened to undermine Marcos. The second issue concerned U.S. officials&rsquo; application of the Nixon Doctrine to the Philippines. The third regarded President Marcos&rsquo; serving of military and business interests in the Philippines. Marcos supported maintaining America&rsquo;s Filipino bases, which were important hubs of American military operations during the Vietnam War. In addition to military interests, President Marcos also aided American businesses in the Philippines, by removing restrictions that threatened American business activity. Each of these concerns led to President Marcos&rsquo; declaration of martial law. American officials&rsquo; tacit support for Marcos reflected their commitment to the Nixon Doctrine, which ensured political stability that preserved American business and military interests.</p>

<p> The aim of this project is to explore throughout the course of the period between 1976 to 1986 the evolution of punk and postpunk music in Britain, and how patterns of change occurred over time through examining the music and historical events that inspired it through regional, gendered, and political lenses. The project involves the analysis of how musicians were able to transcend the socio-cultural constructs and prejudices of their region, class, or gender through the transformative nature of punk music and its subset, postpunk; both through performativity and the smashing of Britain&rsquo;s preoccupation with the collective memory of Empire that was more representative of being romanticized than the actual historical reality. The project involves the use of song analysis, album covers, artwork, and videos to dissect how these brazen musical genres allowed marginalized new voices to be heard in postwar Britain as a whole.</p>

The purpose of this study is to provide an explanation of the causes postwar U.S. interventions. For that purpose, the study evaluates theories of strategic and economic interests and hypotheses regarding domestic factors of foreign policy. Since U.S. interventions were examined from three different perspectives (i.e., strategic, economic, and domestic), three groups of hypotheses are formulated. The dependent variable intervention is operationalized as an ordinal variable which has four ordered categories (i.e., no intervention, non-military intervention, indirect military intervention, and direct military intervention). Soviet intervention, intervention by a Soviet ally, communist presence, military assistance, and geographic distance are identified as strategic factors which account for U.S. intervention; imports, exports, and foreign investment as economic factors; and the Vietnam syndrome, electoral cycle, and misery index as domestic factors. Cases are Third World internal wars which occurred during the period 1945-89. To estimate the relative impact of each explanatory variable on U.S intervention, an ordered probit model is used. / It is found that the U.S. is more likely to intervene if there is an intervention by a Soviet ally or a communist presence. Soviet intervention, U.S. military assistance to the country, and geographic distance of the country from the U.S., however, have little impact on U.S. intervention. None of the economic interest variables is an important determinant of U.S. intervention while all the domestic variables have a sizable impact on U.S. intervention. However, it was found that the hypotheses concerning domestic factors supported in the literature of war or use of force are not supported when they are tested in the context of U.S. interventions in Third World internal wars. The U.S. tended to intervene in more wars which occurred after the Vietnam War. It is less likely to intervene in an election year and when its economy is worsening. To sum up, if intervention by a Soviet ally, communist presence, and the Vietnam syndrome are the factors which motivated U.S. intervention, presidential elections and the misery index are factors which discouraged U.S. intervention. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-07, Section: A, page: 2726. / Major Professor: James Lee Ray. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1993.

This dissertation describes the American effort to rearm West Germany and integrate it into NATO during the Cold War. The large Soviet advantage in European ground forces convinced the Truman administration to seek a German military contribution to NATO, especially after the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 provoked widespread Western fears of a world-wide Communist onslaught. Accordingly, Truman directed Secretary of State Dean Acheson to propose the creation of German military forces at the September 1950 New York Conference of the NATO Council. Most of the NATO Allies reluctantly accepted the American proposal, but France remained vehemently opposed. French opposition to German rearmament and the American attempt to overcome it spawned a series of diplomatic conferences which culminated in the European Defense Community treaty of May 1952. This EDC treaty was designed to integrate German units into a unified European Army. During 1953 and early 1954, though, the French turned away from the idea because they did not want to sacrifice their national military traditions and independence. The French National Assembly defeated the European Defence Community in August 1954. President Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, then met with the NATO ministers at the September 1954 London Conference and developed a plan for West Germany's full membership in NATO and the Western European Union. The NATO Allies, including France, accepted the proposal and Germany entered NATO in May 1955. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 55-04, Section: A, page: 1065. / Major Professor: Neil Jumonville. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.

The dissertation examines the life and work of Ruth Bryan Owen, Florida's first woman to serve in Congress, and the first woman to represent the United States in a foreign country as Minister of a diplomatic legation. Born the daughter of William Jennings Bryan in 1885, her early career included work in several arenas: Bryan's presidential campaign secretary and manager, 1908; Chautauqua lecturer, 1919-1928; World War I nurse; author; activist; University of Miami Board of Regents and faculty member, 1925-1928; and Florida's first Congresswoman, 1928-1932. / The dissertation chronicles Owen's congressional causes which ranged from agricultural protectionist legislation, child welfare, citizenship issues, sponsorship of the Everglades National Park and a cabinet-status Department of Home and Child, to education and world peace. Recognizing Owen's leadership abilities, President Franklin Roosevelt appointed her U.S. Minister to Denmark. She served in that diplomatic position from 1933-1936 during the tumultuous era of European nationalism, Nazi fascism, and world-wide depression. In 1945, President Harry Truman appointed Owen as special assistant to the San Francisco Conference to create the United Nations. She later served as an alternate delegate to the 4th United Nations General Assembly. In 1949, Owen received Denmark's Medal of Merit for her role in strengthening Danish-American relations and, in 1992, she was posthumously inducted into the Florida Women's Hall of Fame. / The dissertation analyzes not only Owen's life but also a complex country in transition. Although facing many obstacles in achieving political power, women began to organize and to educate one another and the public about their capabilities. The dissertation demonstrates how women employed traditionally male techniques to gain access to the system including: networking, lobbying, political patronage, special interest groups, fund raisers, publicity stunts, and personal appearances. Their strategies, causes, and victories established them as active, competent, and indispensable parts of the American political tradition. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 55-04, Section: A, page: 1075. / Major Professor: William W. Rogers. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.

The necktie has remained throughout the twentieth century as an essential component of masculine attire evolving in shape, style, and meaning. To further understand the intricacies of this notable accessory, a thorough review of the years 1900 to 1983 was undertaken utilizing three types of resources; a fashion journal (Men's Wear), a catalog (Sears), and necktie collections (Metropolitan Museum of Art, Smithsonian, and Fashion Institute of Technology). / Qualitative and quantitative analyses were undertaken. Since each mode of inquiry exhibited inherent strengths and weaknesses, the combination of methodologies provided for the best, most accurate analysis. The quantitative investigation was based on the examination of 5,396 necktie samples obtained from the three resources. These examples were evaluated on date, length, width, fiber, context, source, pattern, motif, and construction. The qualitative data was extracted from all obtainable Men's Wear issues from 1900 to 1983. Semiotic analysis was also utilized to interpret changes in the meaning and symbolism of the necktie throughout various historical time frames. / The qualitative historical review determined that there were four common, tied neckwear styles at the turn of the century, Imperials, De Joinvilles, English Squares, and Four-in-Hands. Neckties were also knit or woven and had multiple blade terminations. Various novelty neckties also appeared. Quantitative analysis presented frequency and occurence seriations to the various features and forms of neckwear. This information in conjunction with the qualitative literature allowed for the development of a system for data classification. The dating process consisted of fiber identification, determinations of knit or woven, shape, length, width, and a review construction and design elements. / Semiotic interpretations were based on Peirce's triad of symbol, icon and index. The necktie as a sign system has changed markedly throughout the twentieth century. From the 1940's onward, the necktie has become the phallus of men's wear. It has also served as a billboard and as a symbol of wealth, belongingness, and rebellion. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 56-11, Section: A, page: 4444. / Major Professor: Carol Avery. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1995.

Edward Alsworth Ross (1866-1951) was a prolific modern intellectual who sought to understand and reform society. Midwestern in his origins and attitudes, Ross taught at several universities but in 1906 he settled at the University of Wisconsin. Ross began as a student and advocate of state economics, but he ultimately saw sociology as a more meliorative science. Between 1896 and 1901 Ross developed a theory of social control which argued that institutional restraints could lead to cooperation and progress. As a teacher, scholar, and mentor he established a sociological canon for the pre-1914 generation of American scholars. / Ross's personal standards of objectivity crossed over from advocacy to dissent in 1901, when he was fired from Stanford, and in two 1910 incidents at Wisconsin. Both incidents forced him into a more accommodating mode, first with the academic community and then within the public sphere. Long convinced that "native" Americans were threatened by immigrants, Ross set out between 1910 and 1925 to observe foreign societies, ostensibly to prove American superiority and to suggest social reforms. His dispatches from China, Panama, and revolutionary Russia were serialized in popular magazines in addition to several contemporary essays on American society. / Selected by a relief organization in 1917 to observe Russia, Ross returned highly critical of socialism. The Progressive critic of big business now praised 1920s American economic efficiency, particularly the industrial and social "controls" of Henry Ford. Still, he remained active in the women's movement, the ACLU, and in academic organizations well into his seventies. / Ross's theory of social control continues to augment sociological literature as a set of common values which determine socialization, while historians also have utilized social control as a paradigm of the Progressive Era and the recent postwar consensus. Across a career of fifty years, in over 200 written works and in the literature of social control, Ross's legacy remains in American intellectual discourse. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-04, Section: A, page: 1810. / Major Professor: Neil T. Jumonville. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1996.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-02, Section: A, page: 1007. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.