The publication of texts describing the first Anglo-Indian encounters in Richard Hakluyt's three volume work, Principall Navigations of the English Nation, published between 1598-1600, was driven by the desire to make complex and descriptive writings both comprehensible and usable to a sixteenth century audience. These texts, while they contain valuable ethnographic material, are nonetheless shaped and constrained by the comparative discourses of their authors. To achieve a high degree of understandability, the English authors of these texts drew frequently upon pre-existing medieval, classical and local accounts to construct a truly comparative ethnographic discourse. Primarily, this study is to serve as the first printed critical edition of the American Indian ethnographic material from Hakluyt's three-volume work. A critical introduction and commentary throughout these accounts will allow the modern reader to understand better the complexity and problems of description and intelligibility that affected these encounters. This paper examines the development of ethnographic sensitivity, textual sophistication and comparative discourses that illuminate sixteenth century English attitudes evident in the writings about North American Indians.

This study examines the U.S. foreign policy toward the Persian Gulf from 1968 to 1988 with an attempt to explain why and how particular U.S. foreign policy decisions were made. It further attempts to determine whether each president, within this time frame, pursued a different foreign policy toward the region. The indicators used to longitudinally measure foreign policy change were trade, both imports and exports between the U.S. and the Persian Gulf countries, bilateral treaties between them, and U.S. military sales to them. By examining the effect of presidential succession on selected patterns of American foreign policy behavior toward the area it is apparent that the pattern of interaction exhibits a clear continuity and in fact different administrations have not drastically altered the fundamental thrust of U.S. foreign policy. Furthermore, from a broad historical perspective, this study challenges the conventional notion that U.S. foreign policy has been "short-sighted" and often erratic. By examining two case studies, namely the Iran-Iraq war and U.S. decision to reflag Kuwaiti oil tankers, one can readily see that U.S. foreign policy is far from being reactive in its approach. In general, the evident suggests that the U.S. foreign policy in the Persian Gulf, in a broad conceptual framework, can be explained as a part of the rational decision making process where the U.S. foreign policy makers select the alternatives best suited to maximize the strategic goals and objectives.

This dissertation discusses diplomatic relations between the United States and Egypt from 1945 through 1960. During these years, the massive oil reserves in the Middle East became vitally important to the security of the United States. To protect the free flow of oil, American policymakers looked to Egypt to provide the progressive, pro-Western leadership that they believed would insure stability in the region. The approach to this story is unique and could he termed a post-Cold War revision. Most diplomatic histories concerning America and the Middle East have overemphasized the Cold War context. To understand America's relationship with Egypt one must set aside the Cold War albatross and view the story from a Middle Eastern perspective. As a framework for this study. the author relied on L. Carl Brown's work on Middle Eastern international relations. Brown's theory that the Eastern Question (the period that marked the slow disintegration of the Ottoman Empire) still drives relations in the region proved invaluable in understanding the diplomatic culture of the area. Using this approach, the diplomatic relations between Egypt and America take on a new perspective. Rather than seeing everything driven by the Cold War, one can identify the long-standing interests, the diplomatic styles. and the cultural differences of each country. In a classic example of realpolitik. each side sought to manipulate the other for its own gain. Thrown together amid the struggles of the Cold War, America and Egypt found themselves uneasy allies. America looked for help in their tight against the Soviet Union, and Egypt endeavored to achieve independence for itself and for the Arab Middle East. Franklin D. Roosevelt began with high hopes in grooming Egypt as a pro-American force in the region, but his death derailed the policy. With the beginning of the Cold War, America's traditional anti-imperialist policy had to be balanced with the support of Great Britain, the big power in the region. Throughout the period, Egypt sought to become the leader of the Arab world employing policies that often conflicted with American interests. Understanding that they were a small Third World nation, Egyptian leaders sought to playoff the superpowers for their own advantage. The Truman administration eventually understood some of the finer points of Middle Eastern diplomacy but failed to coordinate their policy with that knowledge. Under the flexible guidance of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, the Eisenhower administration proved more sophisticated than the previous one but had to deal with a mort! ambitious leader in Gamal Abdel Nasser. Although, the vital oil fields had been protected, America's attempts to enlist Egypt in the struggle against Russia, to bring peace to the region, and prevent Soviet penetration failed. By the end of the 1960s, American leaders had learned the rules of the diplomatic game and altered their policies accordingly. In between, the story reveals the complexity and regularity of the Eastern Question system and how America came to grips with it.

<p> The emergence of South-South relations in politics and economics refracts strangely through the literature produced in these postcolonial regions. Two primary worldviews emerge in these texts. The first focuses on the continued presence of imperial powers in the South and their culpability in eruptions of violence. The second shifts to modes of domination emerging within South-South interactions. Salman Rushdie's canonical <i>Midnight's Children</i> examines the Bangladeshi genocide through a variety of literary strategies, especially hyperbole, to produce a crisis of history to indict the Cold War arms trade on equal terms with a war criminal. Similarly, Boubicar Boris Diop's novel <i>Murambi, The Book of Bones</i> helps contextualize the Rwandan genocide within the circuits of international attention&mdash;weapons supplies, political support and humanitarian aid&mdash;that put the lie to the world's supposed "indifference." On the contrary, <i> Murambi's</i> fragmented and polyvocal form evinces the multiple and contradictory investments Rwandans suffered through. East Africa is also home to a South Asian diaspora that arrived before the European powers and now advance India's exponential trade relations with Africa. M.G Vassanji's <i> The In-Between World of Vikram Lall</i> caricatures one of these "Asian Shylocks" to critique the diaspora's class politics and, simultaneously, the racism and xenophobia that led to their 1969 mass deportation from Uganda by Idi Amin. Vassanji's focalizer weaponizes capital accumulation to claim that it protects against such racism, even if it confirms racist caricatures. This argument is not unlike that made by emergent economies from the postcolonial South, which have turned to neoliberal developmental policies to guarantee their independence. Despite the unsustainability of such policies, both Vassanji's novel and Aravind Adiga's <i>The White Tiger</i> take seriously capitalism's ability to nullify old hierarchies even while building new ones. Adiga's focalizer breaks free of his place in the caste system on the strength of capitalism's ability to profane this scared hierarchy. Such anti-caste politics challenge the category of 'radical politics' as espoused by anti-capitalists and adherents of Gandhi, who fought feverishly for the preservation of caste. Taken together, these two novels represent emergent Southern businessmen who fight local antagonisms through international capital, producing a complicated situation that helps us understand the allure of accumulation in emergent economies and its impact on South-South relationships.</p>

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 35-02, Section: A, page: 1006. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1970.

During World War II, the Croatian ultra-nationalist Ustasa persecuted nearly two million Serbs, Jews, and Roma in the Independent State of Croatia, a state that included present-day Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Ustasa-run Jasenovac concentration camp became a lasting symbol of ethnic persecution. Political analysts today often cite this genocide as proof that ethnic violence and fragmentation within the region are inevitable. However, an equally important reality is that within just four years, Ustasa excesses had provoked a widespread popular reaction against the violence and against the national exclusivity that inspired it. Although many people in Croatia and Bosnia initially celebrated the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1941 and supported the declaration of Croatian independence, the Ustasa's brutal treatment of minority groups quickly alienated much of the population. Opposition to ethnic persecution took many forms, including assisting people targeted by the government, hiding victims or helping them to escape from the country, aiding prisoners of the regime, and, occasionally, publicly protesting discriminatory measures. Within the concentration camps as well, prisoners of different ethnic backgrounds came together in food sharing and newsgathering cooperatives in a common effort to survive. This rejection of ethnic violence served to discredit the extreme Croatian nationalism represented by the Ustasa--and also its Serbian counterpart represented by the Cetniks. The result was a resurgence of Yugoslavism, a renewed emphasis on the interdependence of Serbs, Croats, Bosnian Muslims, and others. Opposition to ethnic persecution also fueled the expansion of the Partisan resistance and shaped the character of that movement, causing its leaders to develop a program of ethnic equality and a federally organized postwar government. The ideology of Yugoslav unity transformed the Partisans into a popular movement, allowing the Partisans to triumph over both the Serbian domination of the prewar Yugoslav kingdom and the fratricidal violence of the Independent State of Croatia. Thus, people's reaction against atrocities in Croatia during World War II had important consequences for the entire region. The issues of ethnic violence, conflicting concepts of nationalism, and resistance are interrelated and, when considered together, give a fuller picture of developments in Yugoslav history.

Drawing on work in communications, media studies, and history, I argue that the historiographical methods of rhetoric and composition need to move beyond written discourse to consider the use of visual historical representations of the past. To explicate my argument, I analyze multiple examples of local and national television news coverage of the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, and the recent fighting in Kosovo. Based upon these examples, I argue that the television news media work within a dysfunctional, narrative-driven genre that is entirely inadequate in its attempts to analyze current world events, particularly warfare, because of heavy reliance upon culturally recognizable images of the past drawn from both fictional and non-fictional sources. Ultimately, my argument demonstrates the need for a critical methodology in rhetoric and composition for examining texts that are visual--such as photographs, video tapes, and multimedia documents on the Web. I begin with an examination of the history and historiography of rhetoric and composition. Using Susan Jarratt's Rereading the Sophists as an extended example, I analyze how history is both written and critiqued in this field--drawing heavily on such sources as Rhetoric Review's Octalogs and the work of James Berlin, Thomas P. Miller, and Robert J. Connors. To move the historiographical methods into the analysis of visual history, I draw on the work of a wide range of scholars in communications, media studies, and history: Walter Lippmann, Thomas E. Patterson, W. Lance Bennett, Noam Chomsky, Jean Baudrillard, H. Bruce Franklin, and others. After applying the methodology I develop to several texts--from both television and the Web--I extend my arguments beyond historiography to American culture. I argue that the ways in which the past is constructed have direct consequences for the ways in which Americans understand the past and present. Specifically, superficial constructions of history limit the ability of viewers/readers to think critically about the past and thus limit the complexity of arguments on which decisions in the present can be based. In this sense, visual history is an example of deliberative rhetoric limited by the constraints under which forensic rhetoric is constructed.

This dissertation attempts to determine the intellectual, cultural, and social contributions of the European Freemasons who corresponded with, traveled to, or lived and worked in Russia. My study is based on the assumption that eighteenth-century Freemasonry was one of the structures through which the ideas about nature, social order, and science contributed to the formation of a public sphere. Despite Freemasonry's well established presence and, as I argue, instrumental influence on Russia, no academic study along the lines of contextual intellectual history has been undertaken for the study of the transmission of ideas between the European and Russian lodges. Freemasonry, an institution that found response and operated in both European and Russian contexts, provides a unique vantage point for a reconstruction of the intellectual milieu of the society, within which people discussed, disputed, and put into practice ideas and ideals of the Enlightenment. Freemasons in Russia "worked" to adapt various Western models to fit the Russian developmental needs. This fusion of different traditions and concepts is the most original aspect of the Russian movement. In my analysis of several interconnected themes---the creation of a public sphere, Westernization, transmission of ideas, and the transition from the Enlightenment to Romanticism---I organize the chapters of this dissertation around two most important transformations: of Russia and of the Enlightenment. During the course of the century, Freemasons in Russia departed from the original cosmopolitanism of the Enlightenment, chose different forms of Freemasonry, and gradually became more involved with in the concept of Russia as a separate national entity. By the end of the eighteenth century, while being closely allied with the intellectual and educational strivings of the Enlightenment, they began producing their own negations of some Enlightenment ideas, providing a transition to the sentimentalism.

The Sporazum (Agreement) of 1939 sought to unify Yugoslavia against the threat of foreign aggression by establishing a basis for the resolution of the Croatian question. It failed to achieve its immediate goal of Yugoslav unity because it proved a flawed mechanism for the fundamental reorganization of the state. The agreement's tentative provisions for resolving the interdependent problems of state organization, territorial demarcation, and free parliamentary elections provided no adequate basis for their consensual resolution. In actuality, however, the Sporazum's provisional nature did not cause the ensuing impasse so much as it resulted from the gridlock of conflicting goals which marked the previous century of Serbian and Croatian national development. The very real danger of Axis attack played a major role in the Sporazum's development and eventual failure; however, the foreign threat is more correctly viewed as one agent of the agreement's failure, rather than as its root cause.

Scholarly studies of the nation as a socially constructed community, while accurate, do not explain how individuals in a predominantly agricultural society build and mobilize a national community outside of traditional political arenas and without the resources of a bureaucratic nation-state. This investigation of late-nineteenth-century Romanian nation building under the Transylvanian Association for Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, examines the educational and cultural activities Astra used to communicate nationalist messages to Romanian villagers and the responses of those villagers who funded and participated in Astra's movement. I argue that thousands of villagers participated in Astra events because Astra created a forum that addressed their needs and interests and raised their social status. Villagers never achieved equality with their social superiors in Astra, but villagers became more equal to them as Romanians than they had been as mere villagers. It was not easy to incorporate villagers into the association. As this dissertation shows, nation building is a contentious undertaking subject to diverse social pressures and full of internal conflicts and contradictions. Astra leaders hoped to build a unified and prosperous national community, but their initial attempts to transform peasants into rational and efficient farmers with academic programs mostly appealed to Romanian intellectuals. In order to retain their educated members and to attract peasants to the association, Astra leaders legitimized two competing images of the Romanian national community, one based on the values of educated Romanian professionals and one based on traditional peasant culture. The dual representations of the nation both created the impression that a unified national community existed and underscored the divisions in the community, making it possible to think of the nation as a homogeneous community while simultaneously contesting its boundaries. Resulting contestation, I argue, enabled rural Romanians to challenge Astra's professionals for more influence over the national movement and forced intellectuals to address rural interests. Although this study examines the specifics of Astra's national movement, it also offers a potentially fruitful approach for understanding nation building among other marginal groups in search of greater power and autonomy over their own lives.