Throughout James I's reign in England, his Catholic subjects presented a serious problem in foreign as well as domestic affairs. Disappointed in their hopes for toleration at home, many found refuge in Spanish territories, either in Spain itself or in the Spanish Netherlands. From these foreign bases they worked for England's return to Catholicism, with plans ranging from petitions to James and covert missionary activities to schemes for armed invasions and even the assassination of the king. The purpose of this dissertation is to determine the effect which James's fugitive Catholic subjects in Spanish territory had on Anglo-Spanish relations, crucial at this time to European peace The subject of English Catholics in this critical period has been given attention before, but without real consideration of the impact which Catholic individuals and seminaries and colleges (especially Jesuit ones) in Spain had on international relations. Thus, this dissertation is on a hitherto-unstudied subject, and based primarily on unpublished documents To put the problem in its international context, I have studied much of the correspondence of English ambassadors for their on-the-scene evaluations of the situation in Spain itself and the Spanish Netherlands (Public Record Office, London: State Papers, Spain, vols. 9-24, and State Papers, Flanders, vols. 7-14). On the Spanish side, I have made extensive use of the Seccion de Estado of the Archivo General de Simancas and the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid for rare books and manuscripts unavailable elsewhere In correspondence with ambassadors and in negotiations regarding the fugitives, the English government grouped these exiles into three broad categories: Catholic establishments (colleges, monasteries, seminaries, and convents), the Gunpowder Plot fugitives, and Tyrone and his Irish followers. James feared all three for the same basic reason; i.e., he felt they were working to undermine his authority, each in a different way, but all to the same effect Until the time of James's accession, Spain had been considering using force to put a Catholic on the throne of England. Having lost its opportunity to do this, Spain decided on a course of peace. Its relationship with English Catholics had to be accomodated accordingly. After 1603, Spain determined to work for the benefit of English Catholics through peaceful means. James suffered Spain's pro-Catholic activities because he could not afford to go to war over them. But they were a definite strain on Anglo-Spanish relations, a strain that sometimes came perilously near the breaking point, as in 1605. When this happened, both sides backed off a little, for there were many other things to be considered. England's fugitive subjects in Spain and the Netherlands were only one factor in a complex relationship, but they were a major factor and helped color the whole tone of that relationship / acase@tulane.edu

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This case study investigates the process of revolutionary social change at the crucial point in its genesis where diffuse and unarticulated frustrations, irritations, and antagonisms are first articulated and are translated into a kind of incipient reform ideology. Although this phenomenon, which some have termed 'integrative mass unrest,' has been identified as the necessary precondition of revolution, it has never been studied historically, largely because the evidence of the transfer of opinion from the individual level to mass consensus is lacking in most instances. However, in the case of the French Revolution, the pre-revolutionary lists of grievances (cahiers de doleances) drawn up at the village level provide an interesting and important exception, allowing us to glimpse not only the consensus formation process, but also to analyze precisely the content of that consensus once it had emerged. This dissertation does this by relating first the consensus formation process and then the consensus itself to the social context of increasing hostility to the old regime which attended the convocation of the Estates General It demonstrates further that, in the Departement of the Gard, the convocation and the process of consensus formation which it inspired occurred at the critical convergence of long-term economic, political, religious (sectarian), and social malaise with the sudden onset of myriad short-term catastrophes. This conjuncture of crises, occurring as it did at the precise moment of the convocation, had a decisive effect on radicalizing the content of consensus and of insuring that the people of N(')imes formulated consistently revolutionary solutions to local and national problems / acase@tulane.edu

During the first half of the nineteenth century, French alienists developed psychological diagnoses and treatments for insanity that were based primarily on medical rather than philosophical observations. Philippe Pinel and his followers supposedly discovered psychological laws that governed man's behavior, just as Isaac Newton had earlier found physical laws of the universe. As Michel Foucault demonstrated recently, in his Histoire de la folie a l'age classique, this scientific explanation for insanity was used to label and control deviants. In their major works, Francois Guizot, Louis Blanc and Jules Michelet reveal that they employed psychology to justify programs to condemn opposition Guizot presented the Orleanist expansion of government as a psychological therapy for the masses whose passions had been aroused. In order to control citizens' ideas, he modeled primary schools and censorship on treatment originally devised for the hospitalized patient. Guizot's refusal to extend suffrage was also based on medical assumptions, since he identified the people's demand for political liberty with the monomaniacal obsession of such a patient to gain freedom before he had been cured In contrast, Blanc relied on a physical treatment that was identified with economic revolution in order to cure society's ills. Alienists' writings demonstrate, however, that medical support for physical treatments, such as bleedings and purgatives, was outdated by the 1840's. Alienists' research generally buttressed Guizot's perspective Jules Michelet demonstrated, in answer to the conservative approach of Guizot, that the people would revolt against their own emotional pain. Neither Guizot's bourgeoisie nor Blanc's revolutionary vanguard would be needed to achieve national fraternity. Michelet was atypical in suggesting that insanity was a positive force. He believed in the autonomous role of the populace at a time when Guizot and Blanc trusted in the ability of political leaders to improve society by following scientific prescriptions, if need be, against the will of the majority. While Guizot's and Blanc's partisan employment of psychology often divided the nation, Michelet demonstrated that the label of insanity could also be used as a cry for national unity / acase@tulane.edu

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This dissertation explores the popular representations of domestic homicide in seventeenth-century England through an examination of cheap-print criminal literature. These murder narratives act as windows into how seventeenth-century English society constructed deviance, criminality and disorder This dissertation focuses on five different forms of domestic homicide. The first section, consisting of three chapters on petty treason, infanticide and maternal child-murder, explores the way that the criminal narratives conceived of and structured stories of female disorder and how it undermined the stability of the household. The representation of petty treason evolved over the course of the century, shifting from a focus primarily on a wife's sexual infidelity to concentrating on her violence and verbal insubordination. Similarly, the depictions of infanticide also downplayed the sexuality of offenders as the century progressed as authors focused more on the women's rejection of motherhood. The representations of married mothers who murdered their children, however, appeared rather static, killing as a result of precarious finances or marital discord The second section of the dissertation, consisting of chapters on wife-killing and paternal child-murder, examines the ways in which men could unsettle the household by violating the basic tenets of 'manhood', reason and self-control. The murderous husbands and fathers engaged in vices, particularly profligacy and illicit sexual relations, which undermined not only the stability of the household but also the very foundation of their authority. The narratives depicted husbands resorting to murder either in a fit of uncontrolled passion or as a result of adultery while the fathers were presented as killing to erase their patriarchal failures The primary intention of these murder narratives was not to address the killings but the behavior which led to them. The murders merely acted as the vehicle through which authors could convey their cautionary tales. Through a closer analysis of these pieces of ephemera, this dissertation argues that tales of domestic homicide tell us more about the nature of what unsettled households than merely murder / acase@tulane.edu

The Anglo-Spanish peace, 1604-1625, initiated exchange of resident diplomats and encouraged trade Two major sources of mutually experienced friction, persistent throughout the period, were capable of producing situations and events that individually might reach crisis proportions, but were incapable of causing war. The most immediate was generated by English merchants trafficking to Spain. The other was provided by pirates in the Mediterranean and other European waters. This friction served a negative and positive role in the context of Anglo-Spanish diplomacy. Demanding bilateral attention, friction necessitated keeping diplomatic channels of communication open One resident embassies were established, English and Spanish policymakers and policy-implementors began to assess the problems associated with these sources of friction and to address them with in the diplomatic and geographic context of the Treaty of London The development of diplomatic procedures and institutions to any point resembling their modern counterparts was accomplished in routine, often mundane, fashion through a long evolutionary process prompted by self-interested necessity and rarely by any predetermined master plan. By examining the early modern period, during intervals of peace, this process is revealed Three case studies, presented chronologically, illustrate diplomatic activity triggered by merchant and pirate related friction, and demonstrate the epitome of routine diplomacy: it encompasses non-events rather than momentous issues; it embraces actions of non-resounding, significance, rather than those capable of initiating war Case study one. A New Diplomatic Institution: The Seville Consulate reveals the evolution of a merchant-elected, commercial office into a government-appointed, diplomatic office. In theory, this represents the evolution of a new diplomatic institution as defined by the diplomat selected to fill a previously commercial office Case study two. An Existing Institution: The English Admiralty Court analyzes the use of that international law court in resolving a piracy case initiated by the Spanish resident in London. Brought against a bogus ambassador, the Palache case offered a forum for the Spanish ambassador to press for diplomatic, as well as legal satisfaction and to engage in precedent-setting conduct Case study three. An Extraordinary Agreement: The Joint Piracy Project examines the Anglo-Spanish effort to subdue a mutual enemy as represented by an attempt on the Algiers pirate base. Most significant, the agreement reaffirmed the Treaty of London and preserved that peace well after the beginning of the Thirty Years War / acase@tulane.edu

This project is a thorough study of the makeup, organization, equipment and actions of the English Army during the eighteen years of open warfare which commenced after the Treaty of Nonesuch, which committed English troops to the defense of the Netherlands. This study considers the character of the English forces that participated in this conflict and of the actions in which they became involved during the War between England and Spain that resulted The project hopes, of course, to once and for all put to rest the common notion that England's land forces were useless and played no effective role in the Religious Wars of northwestern Europe between 1585 and 1603 My study of England's first army not to rely at least partly on feudal contingents, the army of Queen Elizabeth I, is intended to fall The study also sheds some light on certain aspects of English history, most notably as a study of how the late Tudor state organized large scale projects such as military expeditions Finally, long term involvement in continental war, the strengthening of England's home defence forces and the pressures of maintaining an army upon the finances of the Crown all had implications for the future of monarchy in England that loomed large during the next two reigns The historical approach that I have taken to the extensive research materials available pertaining to this subject is the juxtaposition of several in depth studies of major facets of the English army (the officer corps, the organization of the ranks, supply, artillery, etc.) with narrative chapters that highlight examples of these branches of the army in action The most prominent and commonly used sources have been the State Papers of the nations involved, and in this vein I have used the State Papers of England, Spain and the House of Orange-Nassau. Serving in a similar function are numerous collections of the correspondence or personal papers of participating individuals. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.) / acase@tulane.edu

This study examines the rise and fall of the modern Belarusian national movement during the quarter century between 1906, the year when the first Belarusian paper appeared, until its demise around 1931, as a result of political repression in the Soviet Union and Poland. While the first steps towards a modern, ethnic definition of the nation, were taken around the turn of the century era, the February Revolution and the German occupation energized the national movement. The 1920s Soviet nationalities policies brought about a Belarusian cultural renaissance, but also highlighted the difficulties of introducing new concepts of nationality in a relatively underdeveloped region. The results of these experimental policies were not what Moscow had expected. In the BSSR the local population often misunderstood the Soviet nationalities policies, resisting the new and unknown taxonomies. While the Belarusization had strengthened the nationally conscious elites in the republic, it failed to generate popular support for Soviet rule among the Belarusian peasantry. In Western Belarus, which was under Polish rule from 1921 to 1939, the peasantry was often alienated from the nationalist intelligentsia. After Pilsudski's coup d'etat established authoritarian rule in Poland in 1926, the Soviet government again became concerned about the threat of a Polish invasion. After a brief experimentation with liberalization of its nationalities policies, the Pilsudski's regime stepped up the efforts to Polonize Western Belarus. At the same time, from 1927 it suppressed, jailed and deported to the Soviet Union many leading Belarusian activists, accusing them for irredentism and pro-Soviet sentiments. By 1929-1930, opposition to unpopular Soviet polices brought the borderlands of the BSSR close to a popular uprising. This, in turn prompted Moscow to crack down on the national communists in Minsk. The purges of the BSSR elites were more thorough than in any other republic, leading to the demise of 90 per cent of the Belarusian intelligentsia. The national mobilization was interrupted. For the next six decades the Soviet Belarusian nation building was carried out from above, increasingly in the Russian language, and with little autonomy for the government in Minsk.

Throughout the 1990s, several observers of the post-communist transformation in East Central Europe viewed the Slovaks as a non-historic nation hastily modernized during the communist era. Since it had been mostly invisible in Austria-Hungary and Czechoslovakia, Slovak history appeared as ruptured and fragmented. Following the fall of the communist regime and the creation of the independent Slovak Republic, the country's image was primarily associated with radical nationalism, intolerance towards its minorities and an unstable domestic political scene. These were seen as major reasons for the detour in Slovakia's transformation to democracy in the mid-1990s. In the 2000s, western scholars re-examined the earlier interpretations of Slovak history that had stressed the compliance of Slovak society with Communism and its missing tradition in the state and institution-building processes. They came to the conclusion that stereotypes in the interpretations of Slovakia's transformation in the 1990s stemmed from unfamiliarity with the facts and preconceived methodological approaches. / This dissertation examines Slovakia's evolution from the downfall of Communism (1989) to the accession of the independent Slovak Republic (1993) into the European Union (2004) from a broader historical perspective. It challenges the assumptions of political inexperience and passivity of Slovak society as major hindrances in the more recent phase of its evolution. It argues that the building of the Slovak political nation had started in Austria-Hungary and continued in Czechoslovakia under all its regimes. As a result, Slovak political parties and institutions as the main carriers of democratic transformation did not emerge in the early 1990s in a political and institutional vacuum. After the creation of the independent Slovak Republic, the focus of Slovak political elites switched from national emancipation to integration with the ED. In the 1998 parliamentary elections, the political parties in opposition, supported by the nongovernmental sector and western democracies, defeated an illiberal regime ruling over Slovakia. In spite of the alleged historical deficits of Slovak society, this change was seen by many as a result of its sudden awakening. This dissertation suggests that Slovakia's transformation from a post-communist state to a democratic one, marked by the country's accession into the ED, can be better understood as a continuation of the processes that had begun in the mid-1960s, rather than as a result of the change of government in 1998.