<p> Thessaloniki, a city with an Ottoman, Byzantine, and Sephardic past, is located in the Balkan area of Macedonia, in northern Greece. Its history is the story of people who have come from someplace else. For several hundred years, the majority population of the city was comprised of Spanish speaking Sephardic Jews who contributed to all aspects of the development of the city. This significant presence is no longer visible unless one specifically knows where to look for its traces. It is not a history that has been silenced or erased, but rather obliterated. In this dissertation, I present the documented presence and transformations of the Jewish population in Thessaloniki from the earliest contributions to present day. This work on absence uses visual anthropology to explore the present day urban environment through an ethnographic account of the city of Thessaloniki. The visual is used to investigate how cities present their past and how people learn to see the world, what reflects their world vision, and the ways their vision is socially and culturally influenced. Anthropology is concerned with material artifacts that act as representatives of the past and as visual symbols. This is a work about what happens when intentionally omitted histories remain absent from the public sphere. What remains physically present but unrepresented proves equally important in creating and reinforcing memory. Our relationship to our environment also may be compromised by what is absent. This project examines absence through the circumstances by which the past is represented in the present, and looks at how the past is experienced in ways that may be used to invoke, challenge, or re-direct the way a community is remembered.</p>

Erchempert, a ninth-century Lombard monk attached to the monastery of Monte Cassino in Southern Italy, wrote the History of the Lombards of Benevento around 889, a history intended to contrast with Paul the Deacon's earlier History of the Lombards by including the Carolingian conquest of the Lombard kingdom in 774 and by showing Lombard failings rather than achievements through narrating the decline of Lombard rulership in the South, which had flourished for three centuries in the Lombard duchy (later principality) of Benevento. Three known aspects of Erchempert himself--as Lombard, monk, and chronicler--connect him to his society and provide a basis for examining his History. As a Lombard, his primary concern is loss of unified rule at Benevento following civil war and splitting of the principality into three more or less autonomous rulerships at Benevento, Salerno, and Capua, a division which weakens the Lombards' ability to resist the competing claims of Carolingian and Byzantine rulers and the attacks of Islamic invaders. As a monk, Erchempert is present during events which occur following Monte Cassino's destruction by Muslims in 883, when the monks are exiled to Teano and Capua and the abbey suffers loss of its property. As a chronicler and known grammaticus, Erchempert is an evident participant in the widespread system of monastic education; he later applies elements of this education to the writing of his History, which falls within the Christian chronicle tradition. A translation of Erchempert's History from Latin into English is included in this study.

This dissertation provides an occupational study of police constables in the three provincial English cities of Manchester, Birmingham, and Liverpool from 1900 to 1939. As a study of police life, it challenges the social control and police historians who support the thesis that policemen lose their class identity on joining the force. My findings indicate that policemen were able to adopt those parts of the police image that were helpful or attractive, such as their role as upholders of justice, without losing their cultural identity. Police constables remained members of the working class and interpreted the duties of policemen within a working-class context. As a study of the working class, this work expands on the theory that working-class members not only had their own culture but also were able to adapt and preserve that culture from interference from the establishment. While Robert Storch put forward this idea for the working class generally, but excluding policemen, I have extended it to include policemen as part of my thesis that policemen need to be recognized as members of the working class. This ability to resist interference from above is apparent in their practice of giving priority to duties that assisted the working class over those that hindered working-class activities and in their continuing working-class marriage patterns in spite of constant attention from their superior officers. The dissertation also confirms the conclusions of Elizabeth Roberts, John Gillis and other historians of the working class on working-class family life, neighborhood life, and sexuality. Having access to written police records rather than the primarily oral evidence of these historians, however, my evidence modifies their conclusions in areas such as premarital sexuality and adultery where oral evidence can be less reliable. Finally, as a history of the everyday lives of police constables, the dissertation allows a group that is usually historically silent to speak for themselves about their lives.

Although the father-centered family was a powerful instrument of social control in the Victorian period, and the father/child bond was presumed to be the natural prototype of all brands of civil interaction, I suggest that the gap between fathers and uncles, daughters and nieces is potentially wide enough to displace an entire system of cultural signification. My dissertation argues that a model of the extended family--especially and most significantly a model of the avunculate--was often implemented by Victorian writers to highlight the inadequacies of paternalistic and affective family paradigms. By examining the way that the paternal metaphor was used to neutralize the economic anxieties inherent in debates over domestic economy, social paternalism, penny-postage reform, and the usury laws, and by tracing these debates through works by Jane Austen, George Eliot, Anthony Trollope, and Margaret Oliphant, my project argues that "the shape of uncles" becomes a means of subverting this widespread privatization of the social world: a way of dislocating the affective family values that had been imposed upon the economic face of nineteenth-century culture. As questions about family structure are endemic to several different disciplinary arenas, my dissertation intervenes in both historical debates about the genesis of the nuclear family, and in feminist debates over the efficacy of father-centered literary criticism. Historical work on family development has begun to reassess the importance of extended kin in the formation and empowerment of the British middle class; likewise, feminist theorists are currently questioning the hegemony of oedipal thinking, and are beginning to problematize feminist reliance on the psychoanalytic model of family. Borrowing an anthropological model of the avunculate from Claude Levi-Strauss, I insist upon a difference between fathers and uncles that psychoanalytic and feminist criticism normatively denies: if fathers are the benchmark of affective family models, uncles are a familial trope fundamental to narratives of social and economic exchange. Moreover, my dissertation concludes that extended kinship ties under industrial capitalism are not traces of what Lawrence Stone has termed "obsolete" family models, but emergent middle-class ideologies of work, production, and reproduction.

Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan (1908-1993) was a french film actress who was married to the philosopher Georges Bataille and to the psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. Despite this fact, she is virtually absent from the critical accounts of her two husbands' work. This is an account of her life and the forces that have functioned to keep her out of the historical record. In addition, I address the ways in which her two husbands' work contributes to that occlusion. I write the life of Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan in a variety of different frames and genres. In the section on theories of gender and exchange, I trace the genealogy of the concept of the "exchange of women." Starting with Marcel Mauss and moving onto Claude Levi-Strauss, Georges Bataille, and Jacques Lacan, I argue, following Gayle Rubin, that those theorists could only have relegated women to the status of exchanged object by reifying women into abstractions, divorced from the power and agency that they do have. In the section on the cultural context of Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan's life, I show that a variety of cultural forces were competing to define the appropriate roles for women after World War II. I contend that in Surrealist art, for example, many of the artists encouraged other female painters and writers, while in their own work they relied upon stereotypical, infantilizing, and objectifying depictions of women. In the section on film theory, I closely examine Une Partie de campagne, a Jean Renoir film in which Sylvia Bataille starred. I map out the ways in which the film structures the spectator's gaze, configuring it as masculine, so that the tumultuous love scene at the film's climax is drained of its possible reading as a scene of rape. I include a biographical chapter in which I piece together the rare fragments of text that do attest to Sylvia (Bataille) Lacan's life. Finally, I conclude with an interview that I conducted with her about her life and the influence she had on her husbands.

The first essay, "Contested Languages of Order: Burke and Wollstonecraft in the Revolution Controversy," argues that Edmund Burke's and Mary Wollstonecraft's 1790 debate over the French Revolution brought into focus two competing visions of social order that were engaged in historically transformative conflict across Europe: the fixed and hierarchical versus the progressive and egalitarian. "Nietzsche, the Genealogy of Self, History" examines Friedrich Nietzsche's writings on history, "genealogy," and will to determine how he revises previous philosophical understandings of the self and what new understanding of the self he develops. "'Never Forget,' 'Never Again': The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the Terms of Holocaust Memory in America" explores political and popular debate over the significance of the museum in its American context and the tensions within Holocaust memory revealed by the debate.

Dès sa création en 1966, l’ERAP s’est fixé pour but d’accroître la production du pétrole « franc », en diversifiant ses sources d’approvisionnement. Un tel objectif prend une tournure cruciale dès lors que les rapports tendus entre le groupe français et les autorités algériennes semblent menacer ses acquis dans le Sahara. Toutefois, se tailler une place sur le marché mondial semble à cette époque une tâche ardue, voire improbable, puisque les espaces les plus pétrolifères sont déjà occupés par les grandes sociétés, dites Majors. Néanmoins, la société d’État française réussit à s’implanter dans plusieurs pays producteurs, dont l’Irak en 1968, jusqu’alors considéré comme la chasse gardée de la Compagnie française des pétroles (CFP). Aussi, l’expérience irakienne, suite à l’insuccès en Algérie, incite Elf ERAP à se concentrer dans les pays pétroliers de l’Afrique subsaharienne et en Mer du Nord. Le 3 février 1968, Elf ERAP signe un accord avec la compagnie d’État pétrolière, INOC, pour se charger de la prospection et de l’exploitation d’une partie du territoire confisqué par l’État irakien à la puissante Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC). En contrepartie de ses apports financiers et techniques, Elf ERAP sera rémunérée par un approvisionnement garanti en pétrole irakien : il s’agit d’un nouveau genre de partenariat, dit « contrat d’agence ». Ce dernier succède au système classique des concessions et vaut à la société d’État un franc succès dans son projet de pénétration au Moyen Orient. Très vite, les prospections donnent lieu à la découverte de gisements. La production démarre en 1976 et s’élève à 5 millions de tonnes en 1977. Dès lors, Elf ERAP, devenue la SNEA, peut envisager avec optimisme son avenir énergétique, puisque sa sécurité d’approvisionnement est, en partie, assurée par le marché irakien. Mais, contre toute attente, le groupe d’État français se retire de l’affaire en mai 1977, laissant place à l’INOC, qui prend en charge le projet deux ans avant la date prévue par le contrat initial de 1968. Ce sujet de recherche consiste à éclaircir le rôle d’opérateur joué par l’ERAP en Irak, entre 1968 et 1977. Pour tenter d’expliquer le départ prématuré d’Elf Irak, il nous faut identifier les facteurs endogènes et exogènes qui ont pu motiver une telle décision. Autrement dit, la société d’État aurait-elle subi les revers de ses propres choix énergétiques ou un tel dénouement serait-il imputable à la politique pétrolière irakienne? Quelles sont les implications de la conjoncture pétrolière internationale dans le cas d’un tel retrait? Aidée des archives historiques d’Elf et de TOTAL, nous sommes arrivée à la conclusion que la compression du marché pétrolier, entre distributeurs et producteurs, au cours des années 1970, a considérablement nui à la rentabilité des contrats intermédiaires du type agence. / Ever since its creation in 1966, ERAP aimed to increase oil from the “franc” zone by diversifying its supply sources. Such an aim became all the more crucial as its acquisitions in the Sahara seemed threatened by tense relations between the French group and Algerian authorities. Still, to secure a share of the world market at that time seemed to a difficult if not an impossible task, the biggest oil-producing spaces having already been occupied by the big corporations called Majors. However, the French state company managed to settle in several oil-producing countries, including Iraq in 1968, until then viewed as a private hunting ground for the Compagnie française des pétroles (CFP). Also, following its failure in Algeria, the Iraq experiment prompted Elf ERAP to set its sights on oil-rich subsaharian African countries and the North Sea. On February 3rd 1968, Elf ERAP signed an agreement with the state oil company INOC to take charge of exploration and exploitation of a part of the territory that was confiscated by the Iraqi government from the powerful Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC). In return for this financial and technical input/support, Elf ERAP would be rewarded with steady supply of Iraqi oil. It was a new kind of partnership termed « service contract ». The latter replaced the old system of concessions and helped the state company succeed in its attempt to penetrate the Middle East. Exploration quickly led to the discovery of oil fields. Production started in 1976 and reached 5 million tons in 1977.This allowed the Elf ERAP, renamed the SNEA, to look with optimism at its energy supply future, the latter being provided in considerable part by the Iraqi market. Surprisingly, however, the French state company backed away from the deal in May 1977, and was replaced by the INOC which took over the project two years before the date planned by the initial contract of 1968. This research project seeks to clarify the operator role played by ERAP in Iraq between 1968 and 1977. To explain the premature departure of Elf Iraq, one needs to determine both the endogenous and exogenous factors that might have motivated such a move. In other words, did the state company suffer the repercussions of its own energy choices, or was the Iraqi oil policy responsible for such an outcome? To what extent was the withdrawal attributable to the international oil situation? With the help of Elf and TOTAL archives, we have come to the conclusion that the compression of the oil market uniting distributors and producers greatly affected the profitability of intermediary contracts « service contracts».

<p> Using historical case studies I demonstrate that in the post-1494 European states-system, alliances could be formed to address the problem created by the presence of a potential hegemon only if there was a great power to coordinate and finance opposition to the challenger. This state's undertakings, as coordinator and financier, played a necessary but not sufficient role providing the means needed to address the collective action problem which, most of the times, interfered with the formation of an alliance. Not all states can fulfill the function of systemic coordinator. Only a great power with high levels of wealth and security, with spare resources to spend on allies, and with its political elite sharing the same foreign policy's goal--to contain or defeat the challenger--can be a coordinating state. It was only when there was an active coordinator in the European system that alliances were formed to deal with the destabilizing presence of a systemic challenger. Yet, the mere presence of an alliance never guaranteed that the challenger would not win. It was only when there was a coordinator with the capacity to provide directly and indirectly high amounts of additional-military-capacity that the alliance was successful. The amount of additional-military-capacity available is the result of the interaction of two independent variables, the amount of spare resources used by the leader of the coordinating state, and this leader's level of skills. The two-step model I build goes against the deterministic element located at the heart of the balance of power theory. Alliances were not necessarily formed and victorious as the theory states. It was the presence of a coordinator which made this double outcome possible. With the addition of the coordinator model, the balance of power theory becomes a powerful analytical tool at the disposal of IR specialists and statesmen.</p>

<p>Since the early 1980s Holocaust education and genocide studies programs at the primary, secondary and post-secondary educational levels have become commonplace and an accepted element of public school curriculum. As these programs and their curricula gained acceptance within public education, efforts to increase awareness of genocidal events outside and beyond the European Holocaust as well as increased attention paid to ethnic studies programs have also gained traction in public schooling. These efforts manifested themselves in the mid to late 1990s to include the Great Irish Famine (1845&ndash;1852) as a sub-study of greater Holocaust/genocide studies in both the states of New Jersey and New York. More than ten years after the formal adoption of the official state-sponsored Great Irish Famine curricula, their impact, influence and utilization remain unclear. This paper examines the history behind the creation of both New Jersey and New York Famine Curricula, compares and contrasts the two documents, examines their use in both states&rsquo; public schools, and suggests potential revisions to each Famine curriculum. </p>

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