Thesis advisor: Peter H. Weiler / Coming to terms with memory of the Nazi past has been a long and challenging task for the German nation. An important part of this process was the debate over building a national Holocaust memorial in Berlin, called the Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe. The debate began in 1989 and has arguably not yet ended. Occurring primarily in periodicals, political speeches and official colloquiums, the Denkmalstreit (memorial debate) was largely about German intellectuals developing a system of dealing with the Holocaust while redefining German identity in their own eyes and those of the world. The famous Historikerstreit (historian’s debate) of the 1980s raised the issues of the burden of shame and guilt on modern Germans, concern over forgetting the Holocaust, the uniqueness of the Holocaust and Jewish persecution, and the need to develop a new national identity. The Denkmalstreit dealt with these issues through the questions of whether to build a memorial and what it would mean, whether the memorial would be for descendents of perpetrators or victims, and what form the memorial should take. After closely examining these issues and the consensus the German intellectuals, politicians and artists reached in order to finally dedicate the memorial in 2005, I argue that Germany has done an exemplary job of coming to terms with the crimes of its past. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History Honors Program.

Thesis advisor: Peter Weiler / Between 1866 and 1918, suffragists in Britain campaigned to acquire the vote for women. Opposition to women's suffrage derived mainly from separate spheres ideology – the belief that the genders are inherently different and must fulfill different roles in society. Many scholars claim that the suffragists challenged separate spheres ideology. By comparing the writings of Millicent Fawcett and Frances Cobbe, two prominent suffragists, with the writings of Mary Ward and Violet Markham, two prominent anti-suffragists, this work demonstrates similar themes within the opposing campaigns. More importantly, the similarities indicate that suffragists argued within the context of separate spheres ideology and did not seek to significantly alter traditional gender roles. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Cette thèse porte sur les relations franco-algériennes en matière d’hydrocarbure pendant la période 1962-1971. Huit ans après le début de la guerre, l’Algérie accède à l’indépendance. Le pétrole saharien, une des raisons du prolongement du conflit, appartient désormais à la jeune nation. Toutefois, les sociétés pétrolières françaises qui disposent d’un quasi-monopole sur l’industrie des hydrocarbures sauvegardent leurs nombreux avantages accordés à l’époque coloniale. Or, les accords d’Évian de mars 1962 qui garantissent aux sociétés françaises ces avantages sont remis en cause par les dirigeants du Front de libération nationale réunis en congrès quelques mois plus tard à Tripoli. En effet, la nationalisation des hydrocarbures figure parmi les objectifs du parti au pouvoir. L’adoption de la voie socialiste et le départ de la majorité de la population européenne d’Algérie compromettent la stratégie française qui vise à sauvegarder le plus longtemps possible une source de pétrole payable en franc. La thèse répond à la question suivante : quelles stratégies la France va-t- elle adopter pour réussir sa politique de désengagement progressif ? Pour répondre à cette problématique, cette recherche est fondée sur une démarche chronologique. Cette approche permet de mettre en valeur l’évolution des relations pétrolières franco-algériennes de 1962 à 1971. Les sources sont essentiellement les archives du groupe pétrolier TOTAL et celles du Quai d’Orsay. À ces documents qui nous renseignent sur le point de vue français s’ajoutent les archives personnelles du ministre algérien de l’Industrie et de l’Énergie, Belaïd Abdesselam. La thèse démontre qu’à partir du début des années 1960, l’objectif principal de la France est de diversifier ses sources d’approvisionnement et d’atténuer sa dépendance vis-à-vis de l’Algérie. Les ressources en provenance du Sahara sont donc destinées à servir ce projet. En outre, la thèse atteste que les sociétés pétrolières françaises s’investissent le moins possible en Algérie à partir de la seconde moitié des années 1960. Finalement, elle met en évidence les limites de la stratégie pétrolière française de diversification. / After an eight-year war, Algeria gained full independence. Saharan oil, a major reason for the extension of the war, became the property of the new independent republic. On the other hand, French petroleum companies, which had a quasi-monopoly over the oil industry, kept their former privileges. Nevertheless, the Evian Accords of March 1962, which guaranteed these privileges, were challenged by the new Algerian authorities meeting in Tripoli, Libya, a few months later. This was in line with the will of the Algerian governing party to nationalize the gas and oil industry. Finally the adoption of the socialist path by the new leadership, in addition to the departure of the majority of the European population, compromised the French strategy to keep control of Saharan supplies, the more so that they were payable in French francs. This thesis asks the following question: what strategies did France adopt to safeguard its interests in anticipation of the nationalization of the oil industry it considered inevitable? A chronological approach makes it possible to show the evolution of Franco-Algerian relation in the field of oil between 1962 and 1971. Sources are mainly the archives of the French petroleum company TOTAL and the French Foreign Affairs ministry. For the Algerian side, it makes uses of the personal archives of the Algerian minister of industry and energy at the time, Abdesselam Belaïd. The dissertation demonstrates that, starting from the beginning of 1960’s, the main goal of France was to diversify its sources of supply and to diminish its dependency towards Algerian oil. Saharan resources were part of the strategy. In addition, this research shows that, starting in the middle of the 1960’s, French petroleum companies diminished their level of engagement in Algeria to the minimum. Finally, the thesis highlights the limits of the French strategy of diversification of its oil supply.

Following the military defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the political upheaval of the Revolution of 1905, the tsarist regime began a campaign to create a new, embedded patriotic culture within society that would recognize the historical legitimacy of the ruling regime and fervently support that regime in times of crisis. Many in the army's senior ranks as well as in the civilian ministries of the regime believed that an almost complete lack of ideological connection between the regime and the people caused both the revolution and the military disaster in Manchuria In 1906, the regime began to shape a coordinated and aggressive campaign of cultural transformation that would help mobilize popular attitudes in support of the empire. This effort consisted of three programs. In 1908, the Ministry of Education introduced compulsory military education to Russia's schools to teach drill and gymnastics as preparation for devoted service to the Fatherland. In that same year, the regime began encouraging the growth of paramilitary youth groups throughout the empire. Most striking, however, was the general staff's decision to make use of three immediately forthcoming national anniversaries to drive home the lessons of patriotism, national glory and civic duty. The celebrations of these anniversaries were unprecedented in scale and purpose and introduced a new type of national patriotic festival to Russian culture By bringing the efforts to instill a new patriotic and civic consciousness into focus, this dissertation expands our understanding of the late imperial period. It reveals tsarist institutions as active agents of change attempting to revitalize the relationship between the regime and the population. The results, they hoped, would be increased social stability and enhanced military might. These objectives were traditional. Yet the methods employed to achieve them were new. In its twilight, the regime grasped the importance of mobilizing popular attitudes and reacted by crafting a sophisticated effort to shape the identities of its subjects. Instead of being immobilized by revolution and military defeat, this study has documented how the tsarist regime responded to the events of 1905 with an impulse to innovate that can only be characterized as modern / acase@tulane.edu

This study discusses the social space occupied by tuberculosis during the late eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century, as well as its reciprocal impact on both the individual and the social body. It focuses on the radical changes in the perception of the disease between 1780 and 1850 and how they fit with the shifting concepts of disease causation. These changes allowed tuberculosis to become tightly bound with contemporary concepts of beauty, which were prominent in the fashions of the day. The rise of 'civilized' nervous diseases and the elevation of sensibility were entwined with hereditary explanations of consumption to advance it as a disease signifying sophistication in the upper reaches of society. Consequently, there was an explanative split along class lines. Tuberculosis was seen as a product of vice and filth among the lower classes of society and as a sign of refinement and attractiveness among the middle and upper classes. The mythology surrounding the disease continued to draw on earlier notions that associated tuberculosis with a good and easy death, but these concepts were refashioned with the aid of evangelical Christianity, Romantic rhetoric, and sentimental doctrine. As a result of this co-mingling, consumption provided an avenue for the elevation of the respectable woman both spiritually and aesthetically. The physical manifestations of tuberculosis, its chronic nature, and the widespread belief in its incurability also contributed to linking the disease to contemporary concepts of beauty. Through a detailed analysis of social trends, medical advice, and fashionable culture---revealed in medical works, periodicals, literature, and personal papers---I reveal the intimate relationships between fashionable women's clothing, female roles, beauty, and illness in Britain in this period / acase@tulane.edu

The European Union (or the European Community) challenges both academic scholarship and political leadership by presenting a phenomenon that is rather unique in the international milieux. The integration of the twelve member states of the European Union questions the fundamental assumption of international politics, namely, the nation-state as the primary entity in the international system. This dissertation purports to expand our understanding of international integration by comparing the federal and national integration of Germany with that of the European Union By comparing and contrasting integration theories such as functionalism, neofunctionalism and federalism with intergovernmentalism the dissertation attempts to shed some light on the future course of the European Union. Such an exercise is conducted by examining German integration which began in early nineteenth century. German unification in the nineteenth century started with the building of a customs union which was the forerunner to regional confederal arrangements and finally the Bismarckian federation of 1871. The integration of the member states of the European Union closely resembles the patterns of German unification Furthermore, a close examination of the German federal system reveals that intergovernmentalism is not antithetical to federalism. The German federal system as designed by the 1949 federal constitution is characterized as intergovernmental federalism. An implication of this for international integration theory is that the differences between supranationalism--as espoused by functionalist, neofunctionalist and federalist theorists--and nationalism (as advocated by intergovernmentalists) can be bridged by emphasizing that intergovernmentalism can coexist with federalism and that they are not mutually exclusive categories. Thus, by delving into comparative politics scholarship on German federalism, this dissertation attempts to find a common ground for drawing parallels and to learn some lessons for international relations theory as it applies to the institutions and processes of the European Union / acase@tulane.edu

My dissertation, 'A l'ecole du francais: Politiques coloniales de la langue 1830-1944,' confronts current debates surrounding multilingualism, the language of instruction, and the rewriting of history in former colonial sites. Applying historical, educational and socio-linguistic theories to accounts of colonial education, I argue that French administrators enforced different ideologies of education and language in their different colonial territories, offering a limited and fluctuating politics of francisation. My primary inquiry centers on an understanding of the conditions that made possible the exportation of an educational system. The diachronic aspect of my study focuses on the understanding of the different phases of French domination as delineated by reforms undertaken by educational administrators and the impact of colonial language policy and its legacies in the former colonies. I analyze the reasons they did not promote and modernize certain 'indigenous' languages---Wolof in Senegal, Creole in Martinique, or Arabic or Berber in Algeria---and why, instead, they promoted Vietnamese in Indochina and Malagasy in Madagascar. I argue that a discrepancy between language planning and language policy led to teaching different varieties of French: standard French, simplified French or petit negre. My goal is to explain why standard French never fully reached the status of a vernacular language in the colonies The dissertation gives an historical overview of language planning policy from late nineteenth century until the Brazzaville Conference in France and in the colonies. This broadly imposed policy was culturally, economically and politically motivated, yet the link between language policies and socioeconomic development has never been adequately explored in a comparative way. It is crucial to determine if there were any differences and/or similarities in the diffusion of the educational and linguistic policies first between France and the colonies and then among the colonies themselves Drawing on archival and literary research undertaken in France, I reappraise the logic of the Civilizing Mission's francisation policy and its mirage, which ambiguously promulgated the politics of 'l'unique et le meme,' by contrasting five unique facets of l'ecole coloniale in Algeria, the Annam province in ex-Indochina, Martinique, Senegal, and Madagascar / acase@tulane.edu

Historians studying healing in the seventeenth century have concluded that there was no formalized medical profession in that century 1, yet by the end of the eighteenth century, a new standard caregiver of the sick had taken hold: the university-educated physician.2 This new breed was more educated, respected, and autonomous than healers of past centuries. Although the rise of the profession of medicine and the medical man has been well documented, historians have not explained why people increasingly enlisted the services of licensed practitioners. This dissertation will examine one crucial but under-analyzed aspect of illness and its treatment: the moral dimension, to argue that religious attitudes and beliefs played a vital role in society's conception of illness and the options available to alleviate suffering In early modern England, bodily health and the health of one's soul were inexorably entwined. It was therefore imperative that physicians be seen as capable of caring for both in order to be trusted with the whole health of the individual. Their ability to embrace the nexus of physical and spiritual health is what began to set the learned physician apart from all other types of healers over the course of the seventeenth century. They were able to combine the legacy of their university training with an emerging sense that their skills were ordained by God to cure disease, particularly those considered punishment for sin, in order to present themselves as protectors of a bodily health that was dependent on both physical and spiritual wellness In a society in which disease was largely interpreted in terms of moral agency, and the physical and spiritual world were so intimately connected, the responsibility of caring for the entire patient, both body and soul, was a matter of public trust. To assume such trust required the highest degree of moral authority, a trait which physicians argued was connected to being learned. Their ability to convince the public of their moral authority is what ultimately proved to be their most powerful weapon against lay and popular healers at a time when there were so many other viable options for health care 1Margaret Pelling, The Common Lot: Sickness, Medical Occupations and the Urban Poor in Early Modern England (New York: Longman, 1998), 244. Similar notions have been expressed by Roy Porter and Dorothy Porter, In Sickness and in Health: The British Experience 1650-1850 (London: Fourth Estate, 1988) and Lucinda Beier, 'In Sickness and in Health: A Seventeenth Century Family's Experience,' in Patients and Practitioners: Lay Perceptions of Medicine in Pre-Industrial Society, ed. Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 4-5. 2The group of medical men upon which this dissertation focuses are those who were considered in the seventeenth century to be 'learned physicians,' meaning they had earned university degrees in medicine, either in England or on the Continent. Such individuals were a fairly new group in England, the product of what Harold Cook has termed the intellectual and educational changes of the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. They are not necessarily fellows, licentiates, or even extra-licentiates of the College of Physicians, as this would restrict the group to a scant number. They are, moreover, individuals who considered themselves to be medical professionals, rather than those who merely dabbled in or 'topped off' their salaries through medicine / acase@tulane.edu

Taking Percy Bysshe Shelley's A Philosophical View of Reform as its key document, this dissertation makes two contributions to nineteenth-century studies. First, it locates Shelley in the context of England's colonial venture in British India, a context new to Shelleyan study, although several scholars have investigated his Orientalist elements. Second, it ties together several major, seemingly disparate--even competing--late-eighteenth- /early-nineteenth-century discourses on India, illustrating how these discourses were later enlisted to serve the English Raj. Beyond reviewing Orientalism, Utilitarianism, Evangelicalism, and Imperialism, this dissertation also treats related contemporary issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism and finds that subjectivities that middle-class males established for the Indian 'other' were later re-imported to England to further subjugate women, workers, and non-English Britishers. The View demonstrates both Shelley's knowledge of these debates and his internalized contradictions concerning India. Although chiefly concerned with Shelley's lifetime, this study also reviews late-eighteenth-century origins of the discourses and their Victorian distillation into the new imperialism Chapter One surveys period issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism; their relationship to British India; and Shelley's personal and literary treatment of these issues. Chapter Two reviews overall English Orientalism concerning India and Indic elements in Shelley's Mab through Triumph. Chapter Three treats Utilitarian projects in India and England, and outlines Shelley's mastery and later rejection of Utilitarianism (Defence) as limited rationalism. Chapter Four studies Evangelical Indian and English projects, and reviews Shelley's seeming contradictions between attacking Christianity (Essay on Christianity; View) yet approving of missionaries in India (View). Chapter Five illustrates the coalescing of the discourses into Victorian manifest imperialism in India and ideological imperialism at home. It also tests Shelley as early 'reluctant imperialist' (Brantlinger) or unwitting pre-1857 collaborator (Said). Finally, nothing Shelley's hatred of tyranny (Cenci; Prometheus Unbound) and his theories on transience of empire (Hellas), and individual progress as sole means of breaking history's repeating cycles, this study posits that Shelley, although highly conflicted, could not have guessed England's future imperialism and that he offers Jesus the anarchist as model to show Indians how to reject their 'paralysing' caste system / acase@tulane.edu

The Baroness Pontalba is a biography of Micaela Almonester de Pontalba. The work begins with a discussion of New Orleans at the time of her birth in 1795, when streets were surrounded by mud and alligators, and the most prominent citizens were Cabildo Magistrates such as her father, Andres Almonester. At the age of fifteen, Michaelle, as she was called, married into a Creole family that envied her father's success. The Pontalbas looked on the marriage as a kind of business merger that would facilitate the transfer of the Almonester fortune into their hands. Michaelle went to live in France with the Pontalbas; there, surrounded by hostility and a legal system that deprived women of all rights, she fought to maintain control over her inheritance Michaelle's husband Celestin was apparently torn between his domineering father and his domineering wife; but he evidently loved Michaelle and was sometimes swayed by her. During one period, when Michaelle was attempting to get a legal separation, she apparently pried some concession from her husband which enraged her father-in-law. The elder Pontalba locked her in a bedroom and shot her three times. Though critically injured, Michaelle survived; but the old man killed himself The French courts at last allowed Michaelle to live apart from her husband and his family. She then started investing her fortune in buildings. In 1839 she began construction of a mansion in Paris that is now the residence of the United States ambassador; in 1849 she began the massive Pontalba Buildings in New Orleans. In her later years she remained in France with her three sons. She lived through the seige of Paris after the Franco-Prussian War, and the savage civil war of 1871, which was fought mainly in her neighborhood in the elegant Faubourg Saint-Honore of Paris. Her last twenty years were spent caring for her husband, who became ill and senile. She died in 1874 at the age of seventy nine / acase@tulane.edu