Christian ethics are ecclesial. The aim of this study is to sustain this conviction in the case of St John Chrysostom. The pastoral concern "The Counsel against Despair" provides the interpretative key to his ethics. The full spectrum of his works, most of which are homilies, are examined in this study. The thesis begins with an account of the wider theological issues involved. This is particularly necessary because pastoral ministry has generally been regarded as peripheral to theology proper, and homiletical material has usually been dismissed as an improper source for understanding patristic ethics. In the main body of the thesis, the problem of despair is situated in Chrysostom's overall theological vision. The intrinsic connection of ethics to ecclesiology is explored through an analysis of the pivotal role which a community in mutual consolation and exhortation plays in the overcoming of moral impotence and moral confusion. The implications for the moral commitments of an individual are also examined. Attention is given throughout the analysis to the crucial points of departure between Chrysostom and those among his predecessors and contemporaries who maintain a more rational and volitional interpretation of ethics. A concluding chapter reflects on Chrysostom's contribution to the understanding of the nature of pastoral ministry in the modern age. An Augustinian and a post-Vatican II Roman Catholic approach to the problem of ecclesiastical discipline are analysed and found unsatisfactory. Chrysostom's line of reasoning offers a way to situate pastoral ministry in a wider moral framework. The thesis aims to show that homiletical material and the place of the affections in theological ethics should receive more attention from patrologists and systematic theologians.

Did the women of the First Four Christian Centuries have any influence upon the roles they were permitted to follow in the Early Church, or use the institution to increase their worldly consequence? The sources indicate that many used their new "spiritual" status of virgin or widow to free themselves from the normal social function expected of them as women. This thesis seeks to explore these and other methods of "self-realization" which Catholic authors, hereseologists and polemicists claimed were open to Christian women; namely active participation in the variety of non-orthodox Christian movements which sprang up in the Patristic Period, and in the "acceptable routes" of the Catholic ministry, chastity and continence. A preoccupation with the problems of femininity may be found in both orthodox and heretical writers. This emphasis takes - several forms: investigations into the role of Eve in the original Creation myth and an apportioning of blame to the chief characters of the Fall drama; a cosmological theorising which equates femininity with the created world order and masculinity with the realm of the spiritual; and delineations of the limits established to the participation of women in such fields as the ministry of the Church. It will emerge from this discussion that many Church leaders had a somewhat ambivalent attitude to womankind. Women would find themselves spurned for their bodily femaleness yet encouraged to abandon their spiritual weakness (which was of necessity- linked to their physical state) and to reach for eternal heights. Once these heights were achieved a woman was spiritually equal- to a man, yet her physical characteristics continued to limit the roles she could play in the institution of the Church. In order to understand these differing attitudes to women, which could be held simultaneously by Church leaders, this work investigates the influence of such factors as social pressure, varying cultural influences, and theological study upon the formulation of the doctrines of womanhood and their position in society. What was the stance of the non-orthodox movements on these aspects of belief and practice? Their foes derided those movements which appeared to place undue emphasis upon the teachings or ministry of women, yet further investigation of those sects most often named as "guilty parties" indicates that the majority had as traditional a view of women as did their orthodox opponents.

The common template in Gospel scholarship places the key hermeneutical principle for interpretation as the quest for the community that each Gospel represents. At present the study of the Gospel text is almost a secondary concern; the primary effort is spent attempting to unveil the Gospel "community" which, it is claimed, is to be found within the collection of Jesus material we call a Gospel. In light of the Gospel community debate, this thesis will argue that such a hermeneutical approach is both internally inconsistent and does not match well with external data. By attempting to provide further definition to various aspects of the Gospel community debate, and by using the Fourth Gospel as a test case, we will argue that the Fourth Gospel was never intended for a local, geographic "community" or network of "communities." The conclusion of this thesis, then, is that both the use and concept of "community" in the historical depiction of the Gospel audiences and as the beginning assumption in the interpretation of the Gospel narrative be abandoned. Not only is the term very ambiguous, but it carries a conceptual meaning that has been found to be inaccurate. The current concept of a Gospel "community" is an inappropriate model of the Gospel audience. The interpreters who reconstruct the Gospel "community" have been misreading the Gospel narrative. Furthermore, the application of a general audience reading strategy to the Fourth Gospel reveals further aspects of the purpose and function of the Gospel of John.

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This thesis examines the nature of New Testament church worship and seeks to understand the concept of worship among first-century Christians. Chapter 1 describes the misconceptions held by present-day worshipers and presents unusual scholarly positions. Chapter 2 analyzes the eight Greek words that are translated "worship" in the New Testament. Two words, [Special characters omitted.]<math> <f> <g>p</g><g>r</g>o<g>s</g><g>k</g><g>u</g><g>n</g><a><ac><g>e</g> </ac><ac>&d12;</ac></a><g>w</g></f> </math> and [Special characters omitted.]<math> <f> <g>l</g><g>a</g><g>t</g><g>r</g><g>e</g><a><ac><g>u</g></ac><ac>&d12;</ac></a> <g>w</g></f> </math> , stand out in both frequency of use and importance of meaning. Chapter 3 examines six passages that deal specifically with worship. Portions of Matthew 2, John 4, Romans 12, 1 Corinthians 14, Hebrews 9, and Revelation 7 are analyzed in order to understand the contextual setting of worship. Chapter 4 offers conclusions based on chapters 2 and 3. First-century worship is understood to focus on God primarily, with congregational ministries being of subsequent importance. / This item is only available to students and faculty of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. If you are not associated with SBTS, this dissertation may be purchased from <a href="http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb">http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb</a> or downloaded through ProQuest's Dissertation and Theses database if your institution subscribes to that service.

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This thesis examines John Cassian's attempts to influence the course of Gallic asceticism through the medium of his first ascetic work, De institutis coenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum remediis, I-IV. Rather than viewing Cassian as a cloistered, proto-Benedictine monk or an inept monastic legislator, it attempts to locate him in his broader, Late Antique context. The thesis first argues that the traditional view which holds that Cassian was a monk/abbot of Marseilles is flawed; in fact Cassian wrote his ascetic works while living in the province of Narbonensis Secunda and only moved to Marseilles sometime after AD 430. The thesis then turns to a consideration of the strategies Cassian employed to win a hearing for his ascetic works. It examines how he played on his own experience as the quality that gave him the right to overrule both native Gallic ascetic experiments and the works of other western ascetic writers. It also examines how Cassian created a semi-mythical set of monastic laws (the instituta Aegyptiorum) and used this construct as an additional source of authority for his recommendations. Having established Cassian's method for winning a hearing for his work, the thesis then examines what Cassian offered that was in some way different from the practices offered by his contemporaries. The most important difference was Cassian's emphasis on a literal renunciation of all ties with the world before someone could enter the ascetic life. Finally, this thesis argues that a proposal made by Owen Chadwick in 1968, that certain chapters in Book III of De institutis were later forgeries, is indeed correct. This is demonstrated by examining these chapters in the broader context of Cassian's thought and work. This traditional, textual analysis is then followed by a computerized stylometric study of the disputed passages, which confirms the likelihood that these chapters were written by someone other than John Cassian.

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Text in German / Essen und Trinken haben im Neuen Testament einen hohen Stellenwert. Die ersten Christen haben sich regelmäßig beim Mahl getroffen. Die ausführlichste Beschreibung einer solchen Mahlzeit findet sich in 1Kor 11,17-34, in den paulinischen Ausführungen zum Abendmahl der Korinther. Im Verlauf der weiteren Kirchengeschichte hat das christliche Abendmahl einiges an Veränderung erfahren. Diese Arbeit soll zeigen, dass urchristliche Mahlfeiern wenig mit unseren heutigen Mahlfeiern gemeinsam hatten. Ein besonderer Fokus soll darauf liegen, in wie weit die Urgemeinde ihre Mahlfeiern gerade auch zu missionarischen Zwecken verwendet haben, ein Zusammenhang, dem seit frühster Kirchengeschichte keine wirkliche Beachtung mehr geschenkt worden ist. Schlüsselbegriffe Herrenmahl, Mahlgemeinschaft, Eucharistie, Antikes Gastmahl, Mission, Ungläubige / Eating and drinking have an important position in the New Testament. That is due to the fact, that Early Christian’s meat regularly at communal meals. The most detailed description of such a meal could be found in 1Cor 11, 17-34, the Pauline depiction of the Lords Supper. But during the progress of church history Christian communion changed significantly. This paper wants to show, that the Early Christian’s communion had little in common with our communion today. A special focus should be lie on the fact, that the early church used their communion for missionary purpose, a connection that got lost quickly in the first centuries of church history. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)