Texte remanié de: Diss.--Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 241-253.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät I--Erlangen-Nürnberg--Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, 1994. / Bibliogr. p. 449-460. Index.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-09-05Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:50:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_rc_me_arafcl_parcial.pdf: 129881 bytes, checksum: 25c60896b9f252bf8d39104cf28d44ce (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-07-02T12:36:02Z: oliveira_rc_me_arafcl_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-07-02T12:37:27Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000703015_20250219.pdf: 119841 bytes, checksum: 686c14c50ae36d3932da3114f8f10a53 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente pesquisa busca através do discurso e do projeto político nazista compreender as origens do pensamento conservador contemporâneo e as formas modernas de discriminação e violência, sobretudo as que são decorrentes da ideia de ordem e controle social, assim também como a relação entre o pensamento conservador e a sociedade de massas na crise da modernidade. Definimos nosso objeto em torno da análise do período que abarca do final da Primeira Guerra Mundial, até a expansão e chegada ao poder do Partido Nazista, na década de 1930. Tendo como objeto central a obra Mein Kampf de Adolf Hitler, analisaremos como diferentes ideologias concorreram para a criação de uma doutrina, e o papel do antissemitismo nesse processo. Remontamos as origens de diferentes discursos na sociedade alemã, e como esses discursos convergiram em um projeto político. Objetivamos compreender tanto o poder que a articulação de ideias pode ter dentro de um determinado contexto social, quanto as relações entre ideologia e sociedade. Analisamos as formas que o pensamento conservador assume para o reestabelecimento da ordem e do controle social e em última análise compreender como é possível “naturalizar” as diferenças e as práticas discriminatórias, num processo em que o outro é sub-humanizado, subalternizado, e que se legitimam a segregação, a violência e o extermínio / This research aims through political discourse and the Nazi project to understand the origins of contemporary conservative thought and modern forms of discrimination and violence, especially those arising from the idea of order and control partner, so as the relationship between conservative thought and mass society in the crisis of modernity. We define our object of analysis around the period spanning the end of World War I, to the expansion and rise to power of the Nazi Party in the 1930s. Taking as its central object the work of Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf, consider how different ideologies contributed to the creation of a doctrine, and the role of anti-Semitism in this process. Reassemble the origins of different discourses in society, and how these discourses have converged on a political project. We aim to understand both the power of articulation of ideas can have within a given social context and the relationship between ideology and society. We analyzed the ways in which conservative thought takes for re-establishment of order and social control and ultimately understand how it is possible to naturalize the differences and discriminatory practices, a process in which the other is subhumanized, subordinazed, e its legitimized segregation, violence and the slaughter

No description available.

For purposes of this thesis, we accept the view that the Christian Church's power declined after the Middle Ages, and a secular, industrial, mass society developed in Western Europe, a society which, by the nineteenth century, had begun to deprive men--particularly the proletariat—of their spiritual roots, and which created the need for a new faith. In Germany, this situation, especially acute after the first World War, was conditioned by the peculiar history of church-state relations there as well as by the weakened position of the middle classes. For a variety of reasons, young Germans in the first decades of this century were in a "revolutionary" mood. Adolf Hitler himself was such a young person, raised in a bourgeois Christian environment, yet strongly affected by the political and social trends of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. National Socialism, with its anti-Semitism and its call for national regeneration, became the substitute faith of Germans and was directed by cynical politicians. Much of this "theology" was determined by political considerations; that is, by what appealed to non-Nazi Germans. It demanded, for example, a total commitment which many were ready to give. The religious trappings of this Weltanschauung were manufactured by Nazi leaders, who did not themselves believe in them. Seeking to win the nation's youth, Hitler found himself in conflict with orthodox faith, but he knew that, if the Party was permanently to dominate Germany, Christianity would have to be eliminated. The Christian attitude, however, aided the Nazis in consolidating their power. The Lutheran view of the state, especially that of the "German Christians", offered little resistance. The Catholic attitude was more hostile, but ultimately did not prevent German Catholics from rivalling their Protestant colleagues in enthusiasm for Nazi reforms. [ ... ] / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Within a year of his accession to power, Hitler, by concluding a non-aggression pact with Poland and by bringing relations with Russia to an impasse, had revolutionized German foreign policy. This policy reversal was chosen, primarily, for tactical reasons and only secondarily for ideological reasons. Prom the outset, it is true, relations with Russia were made difficult by Hitler's persecution of the German Communist Party and by his own hatred for Bolshevism. But it was only after Poland had twice threatened a preventative war against Germany and after Germany had become diplomatically isolated through her desertion of the League of Nations, that Hitler decided upon a rapprochement with Poland and a break with Russia. This policy was finalized by the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact of January, 1934. The political orientation of German foreign policy, established by this pact, remained fixed in its outlines for the following five years. During these years, Hitler used the anti-Communist bogey to justify his foreign policy coups and to ease his relations with Poland. Russia herself, he ignored as a power factor in opposition. Nor did he consider a political understanding with her. However, he did toy with the idea of her as an object of aggression. In the spring and summer of 1939, Hitler's Soviet policy was changed by his decision, in early spring, to settle with Poland. Even after making this decision, he continued to ignore Russia. In mid-April, however, stiffening British resistance and the threat of an Anglo-Russian understanding, on the one hand, and coy hints by the Soviet Government that it might be prepared for a detente with Germany on the other hand, persuaded Hitler that the only way of intimidating the West into neutrality and Poland into submission and of preventing a Russo-British alliance, was to raise the threat of a Russo-German understanding. During the following months this tactic proved to be unsuccessful and by mid-July, Hitler, however unwillingly, became convinced that only the reality of a Russo-German alliance would suffice to drive the Western democracies into neutrality. It was mainly for this reason, that Hitler sought the pact with Russia. When war came and Western resistance was not paralyzed, the original reason for the Moscow Pact disappeared. However, the consequent Western belligerency made a continued policy of friendship with Russia necessary throughout the winter of 1939 to I940. The idea of an eventual attack on Russia had never been completely absent from Hitler's mind, but before the defeat of France in June, 1940, it had never been more than a vague notion. With the defeat of France, Hitler, assuming that Britain, too, would capitulate, briefly considered the idea of an attack on Russia as a strategic goal. When Britain continued to resist, Hitler, frustrated that he could not end the war and confident that he could vanquish Russia, convinced himself that Britain's attitude was based on hopes placed in Russia. Thus to destroy Britain's last remaining hopes on the continent, Hitler, in late July, decided upon an attack on Russia. During the following months the diplomatic, military, and economic preparations for the attack were completed, and with the attack on June 22, 1941, an era of Russo -German relations was ended. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The diploma thesis discusses with National Socialism alias Nazism, with which the National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei; hereinafter referred to as the NSDAP) was associated. The aim of this work is to familiarize with the development of the NSDAP from its outset in relation to the arrival of Adolf Hitler and his collaborators. On the basis of specialized literature, historical sources and party documents of the NSDAP, this thesis describes and analyzes a historical digression related to the socio-economic and political situation in Germany at the time of the birth and rise of the NSDAP, the ideology of German Nazism, the role and significance of the NSDAP propaganda, and the birth and rise of the NSDAP in the years 1925 to 1945. The final part of this thesis contains the short biographies of the five closest collaborators of Adolf Hitler, who participated significantly in the rise of the NSDAP. KEYWORDS NSDAP, Adolf Hitler, nationalism, anti-Semitism, propaganda

no abstract provided by author / Master of Science

Cette étude des politiques musicales en Allemagne de 1933 à 1949 offre une analyse historique et musicologique des liens inévitables qu’entretinrent musique et politique au gré des événements historiques et sous des systèmes divers et antagonistes : nazisme, communisme,démocraties. Le point de départ de notre réflexion est l’étude du nazisme. Revendiquant une« révolution » par le renversement de la République de Weimar emblématique de ce qu’ Adolf Hitler nomme déjà une « dégénérescence » croissante dans le domaine artistique, il s’est nourri du terreau nationaliste et pangermaniste présent en Allemagne depuis le XIXe siècle pour professer l’idéologie obsessionnelle et excluante de la « pureté de sang » comme élément de définition de la germanité. De ces fondements découle l’organisation de notre travail, qui s’intéresse aux politiques musicales mises en oeuvre depuis la naissance du IIIe Reich jusqu’à la constitution de deux Allemagnes, au regard de trois axes conducteurs. Celui de la pureté tout d’abord, déclinée en réaction contre des définitions très diverses de l’impur ou de l’indésirable selon les régimes politiques et les périodes étudiées ; l’accompagnent les questionnements concernant la recherche de pureté en musique, mais aussi de la « purification » oud’« épuration » musicale. Celui du « peuple » ensuite ; les réalités politiques, géographiques et idéologiques parfois antagonistes inhérentes à ce terme presque métonymique sous-tendent déjà la complexité des liens qu’il entretiendra avec la musique. Celui de la rupture enfin : en étudiant des régimes qui se construisent par l’opposition mutuelle, nous analysons les mises en application des velléités ou des utopies de rupture en lien avec les politiques musicales et nous nous interrogeons sur la possibilité de la rupture dans le domaine artistique lorsque celui-ci est lié au politique. / This historical and musicological study focuses on the politics of Music in Germany, from 1933to 1949. It explores the inherent relationship between music and politics, under diversified andantagonistic regimes. It starts with the Hitler years and the study of Nazism. Professing anational-socialist “revolution”, mainly by the rejection and stigmatization of the WeimarRepublic artistic accomplishments, Hitler defines the music and the new “Aryan” Man he wantsto create primarily by professing an ideology of blood “purity”. This is the concept we startfrom: the ideology of “purity” has many musical consequences throughout the century, leadingto the idea of “purification” or even musical “purge” during and after the Hitler years. We alsotake interest in the links between music and “the people”: the political and geographical contextsleading to a definition as a “racial community” or as an “occupied population” underline thecomplexity of the relationships with the political power and with music itself. Last but not least,we question the concept of “rupture” that defines each regime and its mostly utopian ambition torenew the musical creation, to fit its new political agenda.

Originally presented as the author's thesis, Mannheim, 1970. / Bibliography: p. 436-448.