The thesis attempts to address two central problems in the process of understanding the phenomenon of a nation. First, to what extent does the modernist view that embeds the origin of a nation in the European historical context is valid? Second, to what extent does the existing normative knowledge base concerning the phenomena of a nation and an ethnic entity adequately delineate the conceptual and empirical boundaries in between of these two phenomena. The central focus of this thesis is; therefore, to expose a basic internal contradiction that is inherent in the existing conceptual understanding of a nation. Using the Oromo case as a vantage point, it is the conviction of this thesis that the concept of a nation is 'Eurocentric' to the neglect of historical specificities outside Europe such as the case with the Oromo people. The thesis generates its epistemological presumptions from Hans-Georg Gadamer's Philosophical Hermeneutics. Since the thesis will depart from the presumption that considers a nation as a concept, the thesis will attempt to capitalize on some methodological and conceptual insights from Reinhhart Koselleck's History of Concept. The thesis uses two kinds of sources materials: one, European theoretical literature on the concept of nation; two, ethnographic and historical...

Abstract This thesis is intended to explore the international relations of emerging nation-building in the Somali coast, with particular reference to the un-recognised Republic of Somaliland in the north-western Horn of Africa region. This study focuses on the international relations of Somaliland’s international quest for recognition, linked to its own culturally-rooted internal reconciliatory post-war nation-building efforts. Informed by written as well as first-hand research interviews, particular focus is placed in this study on the interplay of internal and external forces in shaping a strategy by Somaliland’s elites for acquiring international recognition and national selfdetermination. These are placed within the broader regional and international context of attempts to resuscitate the Somali state, an endeavour offering a fitting assessment of different modalities of African nation-building within the greater Somali environment. In relative analytic terms, the competitive international relations of nation-building in Somaliland and state reconstitution in southern Somalia informs the underlying hypothesis of this thesis: Somaliland’s example as a study in the efficacy of the internally-driven, culturally-rooted ‘bottom-up’ approach to post-war nation-building and regional stability, and the implications this holds for prioritising reconciliation between indigenous traditions and modernity in achieving stability in nation-building. By contrast, the internationally-backed ‘top-down’ approach to reconstituting a Mogadishu-based Somali state remains elusive. Yet, the international status quo regarding the affording of diplomatic recognition to what are normally considered secessionist ‘break-away’ regions of internationally recognised states, complicates Somaliland’s culturally rooted ‘bottom-up’ modalities. It also challenges the African Union (AU) during the ‘good governance’ era of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a context within which Somaliland fits comfortably as a good citizen of the international community. The international relations of the Somaliland nation-building enterprise is approached from a ‘quadrilateral framework’ of interactive elements to the Somaliland experience: Reconciliation, Reconstruction, Religion and Recognition. This framework informs the four core chapters of the thesis.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Pio Penna Filho / Banca: Flávia Campos de Mello / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado San Tiago Dantas / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda as oportunidades e constrangimentos da difusão do poder na África para, a partir de então, investigar as causas das guerras no Chifre da África. O padrão de difusão de poder sobre as populações, os múltiplos centros de poder existentes em um Estado, os mais variados graus de estatalidade e as ações dos diversos atores estatais e não-estatais são determinantes para a eclosão ou não de conflitos na África. Uma vez identificado este mesmo padrão no Chifre da África que, por apresentar uma longa tradição de estatalidade e um grande senso westfaliano, é visto, erroneamente, como uma exceção à regra africana, pretende-se então verificar quais as causas das guerras nesta região. O presente estudo aborda então a guerra entre a Etiópia e a Eritréia e a constituição do Estado etíope e verifica que não só o Chifre da África está inserido no padrão de difusão de poder sobre as populações que é comum à África Subsaariana como identifica neste ponto as causas das guerras de tal região / Abstract: This study considers the opportunities and constraints of broadcasting power in Africa to investigate the causes of the wars in the Horn of Africa. The power broadcast over population pattern, the multiples centres of power and the actions of the many state and non-state actors are determinants to the outbreak or not of conflicts in Africa. Once this pattern is identified in the Horn of Africa which, by its long tradition of statehood and its great Westphalian sense, is mistakenly seen as an exception to the African model, we look forward to verify what the war reasons in this region are. This study then makes an approach on the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the very constitution of the Ethiopian state and concludes that not only the Horn of Africa is inserted in the pattern of broadcasting power on populations, which is common to the Sub Saharan Africa, and that such a pattern is the cause of wars in that region / Mestre

The European Union (EU) deployed its first police mission in 2003. Since then, the EU has deployed thirty-four missions around the world. Considering the great financial burden to the EU budget and the budget of contributing Member States (MS), as well as the fact that the realm of defence is one of the most overdue areas of the European integration project, this thesis asks the general but multifaceted question of where EU missions come from. To address this question the thesis explores the historic origins of EU missions, conceptualises them in view of the conceptual and theoretical developments in the literature and policy practice, and develops a model for the analysis of the decision-making process behind the deployment of EU missions. The model is tested on three case studies, namely the three EU missions deployed in the Horn of Africa European Union Naval Force (EUNAVFOR) Atalanta, European Union Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia and European Union Capacity Building Mission (EUCAP) Nestor. The findings of the analysis reveal a gradual evolution of EU crisis management after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the establishment of the European External Action Service. The analysis indicates that EUNAVFOR Atalanta was primarily deployed due to French impetus at the level of the Political and Security Committee (PSC), but also due to a convincing call of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to the international community to act against the significant increase of piracy activity in the Gulf of Aden in 2008. The EUTM Somalia mission was primarily deployed due to a convincing strategy from the strategic planners at the EEAS, as well as the commitment of the United States (US) to a partnership with the EU to train recruits of the Somali Security Forces (SSF). Finally, the analysis of the third case study reveals even greater impact from the strategic planners at the EEAS and the acceptance at all levels of the EU s Comprehensive Approach to crisis management, and in particular due to the influential Strategic Framework for the Horn of Africa document. The overall interpretation of the findings conclude that the foreign policy of the EU is a moving target, constantly changing, as is exemplified by both the historic overview and the analysis of the three case studies, and that the analysts of EU foreign policy must remain open to these changes when choosing modes of studying EU foreign policy.

The work is concerned with political problems in the Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is focused on the course of politics, analysis and future development of both regional and mutual conflicts. First part provides general characteristics of the region as the whole. Next parts deals in detail with each state separetely. There is also given special space to the Ethiopia-Eritrea and Somalia-Ethiopia conflicts.

The dominant liberal peacebuilding critiques tends to focus on ‘states’ and the failure of interventions in rebuilding them. Consequently, a standardised critique has emerged largely because the critics apply a broad brush across a diverse range of contexts, programmes, issues and activities as illustrated by the lack of scrutiny on mine action and emerging contexts such as Somaliland. The liberal peacebuilding critics critique the standardised ‘one size fits all approach’ employed by interveners, yet they take the same approach. I therefore argue for the need to broaden the critique to include other elements and contexts of peacebuilding. I demonstrate that as an intervention mine action has intrinsic peacebuilding potential. However, the way mine action is implemented both globally and in Somaliland reflects the same dominant characteristics of the liberal peacebuilding critique i.e.; it is externally led; uses technical and standardised formulaic approaches; disregards local context thus failing to secure local ownership. Attributes that the critics argue have led to the failure and/or limited success of peacebuilding interventions. I therefore contend with the critics and demonstrate how these attributes have contributed to the challenges of implementing mine action activities thereby limiting mine actions ‘peace-ability’ potential in Somaliland. However, beyond the implementation modalities there are other factors that further contribute to limiting this potential; these include the Sector Actors; the Somaliland context i.e. the historical and political context, and the perception of Somaliland people. Thus in conclusion I argue for a nuanced critique that acknowledges the challenging realities of implementing programmes in challenging post conflict environments.

Contributing to a fairly new discipline in the region, this study investigates the objectives, contents, design, approaches, strategies and methodologies involved in a Peace Education initiative called The Young Peace Ambassador Program (TYPAP), which is being implemented in East Africa and the Horn of Africa. The aim of the study is to outline the nature, causes and consequences of conflict and violence in northern Kenya and Somalia by looking at the way in which peace education can help build a culture of peace in northern Kenya and Somalia. Accordingly, the consistency of TYPAP with peace education principles, its impact according to interviewees and how far it has met its own objectives were assessed. Thus, using a qualitative case study methodology employing content analysis, interviews and observations, this dissertation shows that TYPAP a multifaceted peace education initiative working with local partners – has potential not just for creating awareness of peace issues, but also for cultivating the seeds of a culture of peace. Following Galtung’s theories, the dissertation also indicates that it is not just “structural violence”, but also the deeper symptoms of “cultural violence”, that we may need to address in taking the region forward in the coming years. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

Contributing to a fairly new discipline in the region, this study investigates the objectives, contents, design, approaches, strategies and methodologies involved in a Peace Education initiative called The Young Peace Ambassador Program (TYPAP), which is being implemented in East Africa and the Horn of Africa. The aim of the study is to outline the nature, causes and consequences of conflict and violence in northern Kenya and Somalia by looking at the way in which peace education can help build a culture of peace in northern Kenya and Somalia. Accordingly, the consistency of TYPAP with peace education principles, its impact according to interviewees and how far it has met its own objectives were assessed. Thus, using a qualitative case study methodology employing content analysis, interviews and observations, this dissertation shows that TYPAP a multifaceted peace education initiative working with local partners – has potential not just for creating awareness of peace issues, but also for cultivating the seeds of a culture of peace. Following Galtung’s theories, the dissertation also indicates that it is not just “structural violence”, but also the deeper symptoms of “cultural violence”, that we may need to address in taking the region forward in the coming years. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

The United States, during both the Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan administrations, pursued humanitarian relief in the Horn of Africa and East Africa with an eye towards Cold War politics. During the Carter administration the focus was on Ethiopia and the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam, while during the Reagan administration the United States’ efforts were mainly targeted towards Sudan and the regime of Gaffar Nimeiry. In both instances, the United States was concerned with the politics of the Cold War, trying to create a more positive image of the U.S. abroad by relieving world hunger, while also propping up governments that supported U.S. interests during the Cold War against the Soviet Union.

Soviet-Third World relations during the Cold War are still not clearly understood. Largely based on previously unused primary material, this study aims to fill this gap in knowledge by emphasising the interplay between domestic, local, regional, and global dimensions in analysing Moscow’s involvement in the Horn of Africa. By offering a detailed examination of Soviet involvement in Somalia and Ethiopia during the Cold War, this thesis aims to shed light on the factors, shaping Moscow’s policies in the area. While it does not lay any claim of representativeness for other Third World regions, this thesis aims to highlight the intricate interplay between ideology and realpolitik in the making of Soviet foreign policy. Additionally, it tries to determine to what extent the ‘local pull,’ exerted by both Addis Ababa and Mogadishu, as well as by Soviet and other Bloc diplomats, informed the Kremlin’s policy in the area. This thesis shows that the two main strands of Moscow’s foreign policy, the pragmatic statist line and the ideological Cominternist approach, were not in conflict with one another. Instead, they were amalgamated into a flexible tactical approach, designed to maximise Soviet influence by whatever means available, along the path of least resistance. Another strand in the argument is interwoven with the pericentric framework for the study of the Cold War. While accepting recent interpretations of superpower-Third World relations, this research develops a more nuanced account of the centre-periphery interaction. The act of local engagement was Moscow’s initiative, in accord with its wider geo-political plans. Once engaged, the local actors proved instrumental in informing the Kremlin’s exercise of maintaining a presence. As with its entry, Moscow’s disengagement was predicated on strategic considerations. The period of perestroika, assigned the Third World lower priority in the Kremlin’s global agenda, engendering a withdrawal from the Horn.