Repression is a function of many types of states, employed from autocracies to democracies, and anything in between. However, transitional states, those between autocracy and democracy show significantly higher levels of repression than other states. In other studies, research has been done to understand what can be a limitation to repressive activity, and promote democratization. In the case of the post-Soviet state, there have been significant systemic issues that have stalled democratization and allowed it to avoid these limitations. Corruption, consolidation of power into one supermajority party, reliance on electoral manipulation, and passionate development of a national identity all contribute to this problem. As Russia pursues its goals of being a great power, it has exposed itself to globalization and moderating factors. In fact, Russia has accepted western principles on certain rights topics, and implemented positive policies domestically, and supported some human rights legislation at the UN. From this involvement in globalization, Russia may experience the transformative pressures it needs to overcome systemic and structural problems.

Coercion and repressive legislation are widely recognised measures employed by hybrid regimes as a way of stifling the media. This thesis illustrates the long shadow cast by these measures by examining the impact of transgressions on self-censorship among Ugandan journalists, and how these are weighed against their notion of professionalism. Self- censorship is experienced as an unwanted, but vital practice that moves in tandem with the level of political tension, being an extraordinary rather than general measure. The study was conducted in the summer of 2016, founded by a Minor Field Study scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

This thesis set out to investigate the relationship between political regime type, and FDI inflow. The academic field has seen a fair amount of research in recent years, but this is usually limited to the likes of democracies and autocracies. I argue that many countries are neither of these two, but find themselves in a political unstable gray zone in between, called hybrid regimes. This thesis draws on a comprehensive dataset ranging from 1980-2010, and by way of time-series cross-section analysis; it sets out to explore the attractiveness of hybrid regimes in relation to FDI inflow. The findings indicate that unstable political regimes do attract MNCs, but that they usually are dependent on natural resources. Hybrid regimes receive more FDI inflow than autocracies, but less than democracies. The thesis also find that the region Africa is special in that hybrid regimes are the biggest recipient of FDI inflow, with natural resources being the main factor. The findings support the former literature saying that democratic conditions attracts MNCs, but also question the alleged democratic transition taking place in a growing oil-dependent world.

Election boycotts are a common occurrence in unconsolidated democracies, particularly in the developing world, with prominent examples from recent years occurring in Venezuela, Zimbabwe, and Ethiopia. Despite the frequent occurrence of boycotts, there are few studies available in the scholarly literature concerning the effectiveness of electoral boycotts, particularly as a strategy of opposition parties seeking to bring about the end of electoral authoritarian governments. This paper is based in the democratization literature, with a particular focus on the behavior and vulnerabilities of hybrid or electoral authoritarian regimes. Using an original dataset with global coverage including hybrid regimes from 1981 to 2006, this paper uses event-history analysis to determine the efficacy of boycotts in national elections among other risk factors thought to undermine electoral authoritarian regimes as well as the possibilities for subsequent democratization occurring following both contested and boycotted electoral processes.

This study explores the relation between Scandinavian donor private sector development and collaboration (PSD/PSC) policies and recipients of the support in Mozambique. It seeks to understand how such relations function in the complex local political and business environment. The study departs in theory regarding hybrid regimes and private sector development, and an analytical framework is designed as a model for relations based on theories on state-business relations and aid effectiveness. The material was gathered during a two-months field study where interviews were carried out with key actors of development cooperation such as embassy staff, fund managers and local entrepreneurs. The study finds that several PSC tools are shaped according to a western point of view and not always well adjusted to the local Mozambican context. It also finds that the design of the policies in many cases produces a high entrance barrier to Mozambican entrepreneurs, why most recipients are essentially foreign business people.

Election boycotts are a common occurrence in unconsolidated democracies, particularly in the developing world, with prominent examples from recent years occurring in Venezuela, Zimbabwe, and Ethiopia. Despite the frequent occurrence of boycotts, there are few studies available in the scholarly literature concerning the effectiveness of electoral boycotts, particularly as a strategy of opposition parties seeking to bring about the end of electoral authoritarian governments. This paper is based in the democratization literature, with a particular focus on the behavior and vulnerabilities of hybrid or electoral authoritarian regimes. Using an original dataset with global coverage including hybrid regimes from 1981 to 2006, this paper uses event-history analysis to determine the efficacy of boycotts in national elections among other risk factors thought to undermine electoral authoritarian regimes as well as the possibilities for subsequent democratization occurring following both contested and boycotted electoral processes.

The dissertation deals with the phenomenon of hybrid regimes, specifically applied to the case of Kyrgyzstan. The main emphasis is placed on the 2005 Tulip Revolution and the regime of Kurmanbek Bakiyev installed by this event. Applying the theoretical concepts of hybrid regimes and regime change, the dissertation verifies the hypothesis that Kyrgyzstan's post-2005 political system retained its hybrid character and kept being neither a democracy nor an authoritarian regime. In this light, the Tulip Revolution brought about only a change of the leadership (as usual in coups d'état), not regime change (as might have been ushered by a democratic revolution).

<p>How do political leaders strategically manage fiscal policy formation to enhance their political survival? What are the implications of the fiscal mechanics of survival for theories of redistribution and democratic transition? This dissertation examines the complex relationship between political regime types and fiscal information asymmetries. I focus on budgetary policies (taxation and public spending) as major strategic tools available to the executive for co-optation and punishment of opponents. I argue that allowing some degree of contestation and transparency on the fiscal contract in electoral authoritarian regimes helps the executive identify distributive claims and co-opt the opposition. Paradoxically, in new democracies, political survival depends more on lower levels of budget transparency than existent theories would have us expect. Chapters 1 and 2 present a general formal model from which I derive the major hypotheses of the study. Second, Chapters 3, 4 and 5 use new cross-national measures of fiscal transparency and test empirically the theoretical implications. The statistical models confirm the main theoretical intuitions. Finally, Chapter 6 compares in greater detail the evolution of fiscal transparency in Morocco, Turkey and Romania between 1950 and 2000. I argue that fiscal taboos closely followed the shifting political alliance and their distributional consequences for leader's survival.</p> / Dissertation

This diploma thesis deals with Ukraine and its political transition to democracy, which is linked to the declaration of independence in the 1990s. Presently, the political system in Ukraine, despite its liberalization efforts, is ranked among hybrid regimes as it fulfills the elements of both, democracy and competitive authoritarianism. Key terms: democracy, liberalism and neo- liberalism, for this one-case study, are defined in the theoretical part of the thesis. These concepts are used in a practical part that deals with political development since the declaration of independence to the Maidan and the subsequent five years up to the presidential elections held in March 2019. In conclusion, it is shown whether the political system in Ukraine inclines towards the liberal democracy, or, on the contrary, if it has turned back to the authoritarian and nationalist regime.

This diploma thesis is devoted to the comparative analysis of presidential elections in Ukraine in relation to the theory of hybrid regimes. First, the thesis illuminates the events that happened in the beginning of the Ukrainian independence which affected the distribution of power between executive and legislative branches. The comparative analysis is applied to the particular elections in the years 1999, 2004 and 2010 with emphasis on the pre-electoral campaigns, legislative changes, election process, respect to rules, election results and the fundamental events which influenced the elections. Next, the thesis analyses elections mentioned above on the ground of the elected theories of hybrid regimes with the goal to assess to their democratic character.