The Master's thesis Political System of Venezuela after 1999: From Democracy to Authoritarism? deals with the functional analysis of the contemporary political system of Venezuela. It includes a very complex overview of the crucial legal changes and political events that have shaped the system since 1999. The main constitutional institutions as well as the activities of the civil society are examined from the perspective of the Schumpeter's minimalistic definition of democracy and analyzed more in depth using the qualitative concepts of democracy. The thesis includes a brief introduction to the problematic of the democracy definitions, the hybrid regimes theory and some undemocratic forms of government. On the basis of empirical observations the thesis characterizes the crucial democratic institutions and works with the qualitative analysis of their contemporary functioning. An important part of the thesis is dedicated to the role and space of the civil society, the media and the role of political parties which represent the vital tool of the evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the new socio-economic system of Socialism of the XXIst century. This term introduced by the president of the republic Hugo Chávez Frías comprises the ideas of revolution, social equality and elements of the...

The diploma paper addresses an issue of a discussion about hybrid regimes, which deals with problems of hard classification of regimes on scale of democracy, authoritarianism. The paper proves from methodological point of view that it is possible to use concept of hybrid regimes and presents the most important concepts. The two case studies of countries Peru and Ukraine are studied within the frame of the concept of competitive authoritarianism. A part of the paper deals with Czech literature about the hybrid regimes.

Diploma thesis "The Transition Towards Democracy and its Problematic Aspects in Geo-Politic Perspective " deals with the theory of democracy, the transition towards democracy and the political development in specific regions. The aim of this thesis is to summarize both general thoeretical concepts about the topic and current studies about illiberal democracies in the 21st century. My thesis starts with the analysis of the meaning of the term liberal democracy as well as the term modern nation state, whereas the emphasis is given on the conditions to be found beyond both. This is followed by the introduction to main transition concepts. Within the logic of my topic it is stressed especially the nature of removed political regime which could be crucial for the outcome of the transition. My diploma thesis deals also with an institutional engineering which is often overlooked but of high importance. The question of hybrid regimes is closely linked to previous topic because it can help us to undestand all problematic aspects of transition. Last chapter is dedicated to specific African regimes which are usually hidden in a shadow of interest of politican science. I will argue that the very analysis of their nature can prove the importance of functional political institutions as a base for succesfull...

The study examines to what extent Levitsky & Ziblatt’s theory of democratic backsliding, as a universal three-step sequential process of democratic deterioration, can explain the novel phenomena of Covid-19 autocratization, in the context of Poland. Via said aim, the research serves as an explorative investigation into the strategies and methods used to invoke democratic backsliding amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. The theory’s external validity is assessed by analyzing the most blatant and far-reaching policies of Polish Covid-19 autocratization, targeting the presidential election, health personnel, and civil servants. To structure said analysis Vedung’s goal-attainment evaluation model is utilized. Results conclude that the theory lacks significant explanatory power. While the targets of democratic deterioration remained relevant, theoretical conformity only occurred for one of the analyzed policies, while the rest revealed tactics of democratic deterioration not theoretically applicable. Moreover, substantial parts of the theory remained irrelevant, and the theory’s sequential aspect did not apply. Consequently, the study proposes a revised version of the theoretical framework, encompassing strategies of democratic deterioration specific to the examined context and that disregards the sequential aspect. The likely explanation for the lack of theoretical conformity is attributed to the structural component; the theory suggests democratic backsliding as a gradual and strategic process, whereas Covid-19 autocratization occurred more chaotically and opportunistically, instigating autocratization whenever and wherever possible. The opportunistic structure also elucidates the novel and imaginative strategies through which autocratization was invoked, capitalizing on the alternative prospects of democratic deterioration presented by the crisis.

Nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion stellte der Aufbau eines unabhängigen Staates und einer unabhängigen Nation eine große Herausforderung für die Regierenden der fünfzehn ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken dar Zwanzig Jahre später, pendelt der Typus, der aus jenen Prozessen hervorgegangenen politischen Regime, zwischen Demokratie und Autokratie. Diese Dissertation konzentriert sich auf die Grauzone zwischen diesen beiden Idealtypen, d.h. auf ‚hybride Regime‘, verstanden als Staaten, die nachweislich freie und faire Wahlen einerseits mit einem autokratischen Regierungsstil andererseits kombinieren. Unter den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken sind dies Georgien, Moldawien und die Ukraine. Die zentrale Frage der Arbeit lautet, welche Faktoren die Funktionstüchtigkeit dieser Regime gewährleistet. Es zeigt sich, dass die drei genannten Länder ethnisch stark heterogen sind relative arme Volkswirtschaften mit sehr schwachem Wachstum sind. Es wird argumentiert, dass es diese beiden Strukturmerkmale sind, die das Handeln der heimischen Eliten wesentlich determinieren und die, zusammen mit den durch internationale Geldgeber gesetzten Anreizen, die Dauerhaftigkeit dieser hybriden Regime bedingen. Dagegen steht die politische Polarisierung im Kern des Erklärungsmodells dieser Dissertation. Im Detail sieht das Erklärungsmodell vor, dass sie diesen Einfluss vermittelt durch das Moment der politischen Polarisierung ausüben. Ethnische Spaltungen spiegeln sich in polarisierten politischen Gruppierungen wieder und sind dadurch für einen hochgradig kompetitiven Charakter von Wahlen verantwortlich. Die heimischen Eliten betonen ethnische Antagonismen in ihren Wahlkämpfen und auch die internationalen Geldgeber schüren eine bereits latent konfliktreiche Atmosphäre. Dieses Verhaltensschema sichert den Fortbestand der hybriden Regime in Moldawien und der Ukraine. Die Abwesenheit von Polarisierung, die auf einer leicht entflammbaren Fragen basiert, resultiert in einem Mangel an Kompetitivität. / In the aftermath of the breakdown of the Soviet Union, the leadership in the fifteen former republics found themselves challenged by complex processes of independent state- and nation-building. Twenty years later, the political regimes that emerged vary from democracies to autocracies. This dissertation focuses on the grey zone in between the pure types. Conceptualizing hybrid regimes as the ones that combine holding of free and fair, recognized elections, and autocratic governance, it asks the question of what keeps the former viable. This research singles out Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine as the countries with hybrid regimes. It shows that the three are highly ethnically heterogeneous and have relatively poor, very low-growing economies. This dissertation argues that these structural conditions are responsible for the actions of the domestic elites, which together with the incentives that the international donors provide the domestic elites with make hybrid regimes permanent. The political polarization is at the core of the explanatory account this dissertation presents. Ethnic divisions, reflected in political polarization are responsible for emergence of regimes with competitive elections. The elites emphasize the divisive issues in their campaigning, while the donors support the already thriving competitive environment. This keeps competitive hybrid regimes in Moldova and Ukraine viable. Absence of polarization based on easily inflammable issues results in the lack of competitiveness. However, an absence of divisiveness produces orientation on one vector of donors (the West). The stimulation of reform and praise for achievement in governance that the donors provide keep the non-competitive hybrid regime in Georgia afloat.