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This dissertation examines tribal-state relations in Alabama and Louisiana during the 1970s and 1980s. These relationships were the outcomes of the Southern Indian Movement, which emerged just as regional and national racial politics began shifting and southern states started to recognize Indian populations through the development of Indian Affairs Commissions. Through these state agencies, Indian groups forged strong networks with local, state, and national agencies while advocating for cultural preservation and revitalization, economic development, and the implementation of community services. Commissions also brought formerly isolated groups, each with different goals and needs, together for the first time, creating an assortment of alliances and divisions. These unique relationships between tribes and states additionally served state interests by giving legislators the opportunity to wage public relations campaigns, to make racialized critiques of the Black Civil Rights Movement, to emphasize the South's indigenous identity, and to assert states' rights by assuming federal responsibilities.

Conventional academic argument has it that reserve establishment in British Columbia was something which was imposed upon a subjugated, oppressed population. This argument suggests that after eighty years of mutually beneficial socio-economic interaction with Europeans, Natives were suddenly unable to cope with the effects of European settlement. Careful scrutiny of relevant documents from reserve commissions, however, tends to suggest a different interpretation. Although faced with the societal effects of depopulation as a result of epidemic disease, and in spite of restrictions placed upon them by European law and Victorian hegemonic beliefs, Natives were able to maintain their cultural integrity and participate effectively within European systems of power. Although the agenda and objectives of Natives with regard to land were not evident to contemporary Europeans, they are beginning to be seen and understood by historians and other observers.

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This study examined the role and characterization of the Indian depicted in the western comic book using the research method, content analysis. The sample of 44 comic books contained two Indian characters, one with a major speaking part. The guidelines of Berelson (1952) were used to develop the categories utilized and the procedures and categories applied by Agogino (1950), Katz and Braly (1933), and Spiegleman, et al. (1953) were modified to suit the purposes of this study. The pictorial and verbal data stated as the greatest percentage of attributable characteristics, were analyzed by the application of 141 items. Validation preceded the study; the percentage coder and intercoder agreement was 75% to 100%. The Indian; clad in loincloth, leggings, and moccasins, subsisting in a raiding and hunting economy was depicted as cowardly and having an evil character. He was grim expressioned, treacherous, sneaky, cruel, dependent and untrustworthy. His stature was medium as was his physique; his skin was pink, bordering on red. His hair was shoulder length, adorned with a few feathers or full headdress. Wrist and arm bands, necklaces, and war paint were worn. Bows and arrows, tomahawks, knives, and guns were evident. The Indian occupied a tipi and was transported by horse. He most often instigated acts of violence, primarily shooting and beating. In a historical time set in a domestic locality he was rarely the main character and hero but largely the submajor character and villain. Vengeance, hatred and revenge, and solution to immediate problems were the Indians' dominant goal orientation; his methods of attainment were physical violence or threats of physical violence and dependence, 'deceit, cunning and trickery. Barriers to his achievement were interpersonal violence or personal industry on the part of others. "Injun," "redskin," "squaw," "savage," and "warrior" denoted the Indian. The comic books analyzed depicted the Indian in a negative role perpetuating common stereotypes and generalizations.

Second-generation East Indian women represent a visible ethnic minority group in need of culturally sensitive research to facilitate an understanding of their integration into Canadian society. There is a scarcity of systematic qualitative inquires into the experience of this contemporary second-generation population within a North American context. Hence, the primary objective of this study is to understand the bicultural experience of a select group of second-generation East Indian women using a focused ethnography as a research tool. The central questions guiding this inquiry are (a) What are the salient aspects in the subjective experience of second-generation East Indian women as they grow up within both an East Indian and Canadian cultural context? (b) What are some of the challenges they face as a result of their biculturalism, and (c) How do they negotiate these challenges? / The sample pool consisted of 16 second-generation East Indian women between the ages of 20 and 40 years who were either working or attending university and who were English speaking. Data collection focused on individual and follow-up interviews, each lasting 60 to 90 minutes. A latent content analysis was used to analyze the interview data and focused on looking for general themes, patterns and trends in the data set. Results suggest that the bicultural experience of this population is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that reflects the intersection of multiple identities including race, ethnicity, gender and cultural values.

Thesis--University of Washington. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [328]-336.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Pontificia Universidad Católica en Quito, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 381-405).