Ao longo das primeiras décadas do século XX, os juristas argentinos e brasileiros se empenharam em estreitar os seus laços, enquanto repensavam o papel que deveriam cumprir na sociedade e reconstruíam certos pressupostos do seu saber. Mobilizaram, ao longo desse processo, mecanismos que iam da realização de conferências à publicação de livros comemorativos, passando pelo rádio. Mesmo que de forma descontínua e enfrentando tensões de distintas naturezas, esses intercâmbios se sustentaram no tempo e contaram com ressonâncias para além do universo jurídico. Adotando uma perspectiva transnacional e procurando inserir tais diálogos em cenários mais ampliados tanto do ponto de vista geográfico quanto do temporal, esta tese argumenta que as interações entre bacharéis em direito dos dois países desempenharam um papel fundamental em meio a sua busca por intervir na vida pública, em especial quando se tratava de legitimar projetos de reformas legislativas. Para tanto, dois âmbitos de análise foram privilegiados: a circulação de impressos e as ações de organizações profissionais, em especial o Instituto dos Advogados Brasileiros e o Colegio de Abogados de Buenos Aires. As duas dimensões estiveram diretamente articuladas, uma vez que tais associações mantiveram periódicos e bibliotecas, ao mesmo tempo em que diversas atividades que promoveram foram, posteriormente, consolidadas em publicações. Ao explorar os múltiplos sentidos dos dois verbos que se escondem em seu título, deslocar e deslocalizar, o trabalho lança um olhar crítico para a recorrente narrativa de que brasileiros e hispano-americanos se ignoram, bem como interpela os usos da técnica como discurso de legitimação. / During the first decades of the twentieth century, Argentinian and Brazilian lawyers attempted to strengthen their bonds, simultaneously reconceiving their role in society and rebuilding certain presuppositions of their field of expertise. Throughout that process, they mobilized mechanisms that spanned from conferences to commemorative books to the radio. Even though they were discontinuous and faced tensions of different natures, those exchanges were sustained over time and had resonances that went beyond the legal realm. Adopting a transnational perspective and seeking to place those dialogues in broader geographic and temporal perspectives, this dissertation argues that the interactions between law graduates in both countries played a key role in their interventions in public life, especially when it came to advancing projects for legal reforms. Two separate scopes of analysis were considered: the circulation of printed matter and the actions of professional associations, especially the Instituto dos Advogados Brasileiros and the Colegio de Abogados de Buenos Aires. The two dimensions were closely linked, since those associations published journals and sponsored libraries, and concomitantly several activities they promoted were later consolidated in print. By exploiting the multiple meanings of the verb to displace, this work proposes a critical approach to the recurring narrative according to which Brazilians and Hispanic Americans ignore one another, simultaneously questioning the uses of technics as a legitimizing discourse.

Os Annales dHistoire Économique et Sociale, periódico fundado por Marc Bloch e Lucien Febvre em 1929, são usualmente tidos como berço daquilo que a historiografia denomina os Annales. Essa expressão não é, no entanto, um sinônimo da revista que a originou: os Annales são um sujeito que ultrapassa as páginas da publicação, compondo, ao longo do século XX, o cerne de um fenômeno historiográfico extremamente influente, mas de difícil definição. Esta pesquisa debruça-se sobre os anos de trabalho conjunto de Marc Bloch e Lucien Febvre na direção da revista (1929-1944), buscando investigar o processo cotidiano de produção do periódico e, com isso, lançar luz sobre as estratégias de legitimação às quais os dois diretores recorreram para garantir o êxito de seu projeto. A partir do estudo das correspondências trocadas entre eles e de sua produção crítica, avança-se a hipótese de que, no ato de produção da revista, os diretores lançam mão de uma série de dispositivos de produção de coerência intelectual que dão corpo, paulatinamente, ao sujeito os Annales. / The Annales dHistoire Économique et Sociale, founded by Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre in 1929, are usually perceived as the cradle of what came to be known as the Annales. Nevertheless, this expression isnt a synonym of the journal that originated it: the Annales are a subject that transcends the tangible periodical and that has become, throughout the twentieth century, the core of a highly influential, albeit hard to define, historiographical phenomenon. This dissertation focuses on Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvres joint effort to run the journal (1929-1944), aiming to investigate the making of the review and, therefore, shed light on the strategies its directors have resorted to in order to legitimize their project and assure its success. By analyzing the letters exchanged between Bloch and Febvre as well as the critic reviews published by them, this dissertation argues that, in making the journal, its directors elaborate an intellectual apparatus to bring forth coherence, and that, through this specific apparatus, the idea of the Annales as an independent subject gradually takes form.

Ao longo das primeiras décadas do século XX, os juristas argentinos e brasileiros se empenharam em estreitar os seus laços, enquanto repensavam o papel que deveriam cumprir na sociedade e reconstruíam certos pressupostos do seu saber. Mobilizaram, ao longo desse processo, mecanismos que iam da realização de conferências à publicação de livros comemorativos, passando pelo rádio. Mesmo que de forma descontínua e enfrentando tensões de distintas naturezas, esses intercâmbios se sustentaram no tempo e contaram com ressonâncias para além do universo jurídico. Adotando uma perspectiva transnacional e procurando inserir tais diálogos em cenários mais ampliados tanto do ponto de vista geográfico quanto do temporal, esta tese argumenta que as interações entre bacharéis em direito dos dois países desempenharam um papel fundamental em meio a sua busca por intervir na vida pública, em especial quando se tratava de legitimar projetos de reformas legislativas. Para tanto, dois âmbitos de análise foram privilegiados: a circulação de impressos e as ações de organizações profissionais, em especial o Instituto dos Advogados Brasileiros e o Colegio de Abogados de Buenos Aires. As duas dimensões estiveram diretamente articuladas, uma vez que tais associações mantiveram periódicos e bibliotecas, ao mesmo tempo em que diversas atividades que promoveram foram, posteriormente, consolidadas em publicações. Ao explorar os múltiplos sentidos dos dois verbos que se escondem em seu título, deslocar e deslocalizar, o trabalho lança um olhar crítico para a recorrente narrativa de que brasileiros e hispano-americanos se ignoram, bem como interpela os usos da técnica como discurso de legitimação. / During the first decades of the twentieth century, Argentinian and Brazilian lawyers attempted to strengthen their bonds, simultaneously reconceiving their role in society and rebuilding certain presuppositions of their field of expertise. Throughout that process, they mobilized mechanisms that spanned from conferences to commemorative books to the radio. Even though they were discontinuous and faced tensions of different natures, those exchanges were sustained over time and had resonances that went beyond the legal realm. Adopting a transnational perspective and seeking to place those dialogues in broader geographic and temporal perspectives, this dissertation argues that the interactions between law graduates in both countries played a key role in their interventions in public life, especially when it came to advancing projects for legal reforms. Two separate scopes of analysis were considered: the circulation of printed matter and the actions of professional associations, especially the Instituto dos Advogados Brasileiros and the Colegio de Abogados de Buenos Aires. The two dimensions were closely linked, since those associations published journals and sponsored libraries, and concomitantly several activities they promoted were later consolidated in print. By exploiting the multiple meanings of the verb to displace, this work proposes a critical approach to the recurring narrative according to which Brazilians and Hispanic Americans ignore one another, simultaneously questioning the uses of technics as a legitimizing discourse.

Du premier congrès des scientifiques italiens de 1839 à la veille de la Grande Guerre, de nombreux mathématiciens italiens ont pris part à la vie politique de leur pays. Cette thèse examine les différentes modalités de cet engagement : le mouvement national, qui se décline dans le domaine scientifique par une forme spécifique de patriotisme dans un contexte d’unification de l’Italie, en est un aspect. Mais il s’agit d’analyser plus généralement la façon dont le statut de mathématicien peut être réinvesti dans le champ politique pour fonder un discours de légitimation, une forme d’expertise, revendiquer un regard spécifique sur le politique. Cela suppose de penser la circulation entre champ mathématique et politique avec les outils de l’histoire des intellectuels : comparer les stratégies d’ascension dans ces deux champs, analyser comment les conflits s’y transposent, comment les acteurs répartissent leur temps entre les différentes activités. Il s’agit donc de comprendre comment les transformations de la vie politique italienne autour de l’unification ont permis l’émergence de nouveaux hommes politiques, de mesurer leur réception par le milieu politique mais aussi dans le champ académique, ainsi que la façon dont leur double appartenance a pu affecter leur façon d’être mathématiciens. / From the first congress of Italian scientists in 1839 to the eve of World War I, many Italian mathematicians took part to the political life of their country. This PhD deals with the different modalities of this involvement: Italian national movement, which results in the scientific field in a specific shape of patriotism in a context of Italian unification, is one aspect. But I intend to draw a more general analysis of the way the position of a mathematician can be used in the political field to found a legitimating discourse, some kind of expertise, or to claim a specific way to consider political questions. In order to do so, I will need to consider circulations between mathematical and political fields with tools the history of intellectuals: I will thus compare the strategies of advancement in those two fields, analyze how the conflicts are transposed and how the actors divide their time between their different activities. So I intend to understand how the transformations of the Italian political life around national unification made possible the emergence of new politicians, to assess their reception in political and academic worlds and the way their double belonging influenced their practice as mathematicians.

A dissertação é dedicada à análise dos intelectuais que escreveram e protagonizaram as revistas Argumento- Revista Mensal de Cultura (1973-1974) e Almanaque- Cadernos de Literatura e Ensaio (1976-1982) e à análise da conjuntura universitária, política e cultural específica que compõe a história das revistas e desses intelectuais. As revistas foram protagonizadas, sobretudo, por críticos literários que conseguiram se preservar na Universidade de São Paulo durante a Ditadura Militar (1964-1985) e que mantiveram intensa atividade intelectual tanto na academia quanto na imprensa. Entre esses intelectuais, destaca-se Antonio Candido, ele próprio um acadêmico sobrevivente à repressão militar, crítico literário, intelectual engajado, figura aglutinadora de Argumento e presença indireta em Almanaque, em que teve vários de seus alunos escrevendo e lhe oferecendo homenagem. Embora a preocupação desses críticos com o universo da cultura nacional, principalmente o literário, seja o eixo central dessas revistas, as duas publicações expressaram também tendências e orientações diversas que fugiram do escopo tradicionalmente atribuído à crítica, ou seja, preocupações oriundas de uma fração mais abrangente de intelectuais que se desdobrou entre a universidade e o debate público no Brasil na década de 1970, a partir de meios de comunicação permeáveis à conjugação de expressões culturais, políticas e acadêmicas. Pretende-se, portanto, com o estudo de caso dedicado a esse grupo de críticos literários e às suas revistas, compreender um problema de pesquisa maior, que se refere à vida intelectual sedimentada na universidade paulista, que se utilizou das revistas como expressão universitária e como engajamento público na conjuntura brasileira da década de 1970, marcada pelo acirramento da Ditadura Militar. / This dissertation is devoted to the analysis of the intellectuals who have written in the journals Argumento Revista Mensal de Cultura (1973-1974) and Almanaque- Cadernos de Literatura e Ensaio (1976-1982) and to the understanding of the specific universitary, political and cultural conjuncture that composed the history of these publications and of these intellectuals. The magazines were mainly performed by cultural critics who remained at the University of São Paulo during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) and who maintained intense intellectual activity both in academia and in the press. Among these intellectuals, the figure of Antonio Candido stants out, himself an academic survivor of the military repression, he was literary critic, he was politically active intellectual, he was an agglutinative figure of Argumento and an indirect presence in Almanaque, where several of his students wrote and offered him homages. Although the central focus of these journals is the critics\' concern within the universe of national culture, especially that of literature, the two publications also expressed different tendencies and orientations, which fled out of scope traditionally assigned to critics, in other words, concerns came from a larger fraction of intellectuals that unfolded between the university and the public debate in Brazil in the 1970s, presenting the magazine as a medium of communication permeable to the combination of artistic, political and academic expressions. Hence, our dedication to the case study of this group of critics and their magazines aims at the comprehension of a bigger research issue: the relationship between the intellectual life settled around the paulista university, which used magazines as a collective expression in the Brazilian conjuncture of the 1970s, marked by the intensification of the Military Dictatorship.

Bibliography: p.389-392. / 392 p. : ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Centre for European Studies and General Linguistics, Discipline of Classics, 2003?

This thesis explores the revolutionary adult education learning dimensions in a Canadian Black anti-racist organization, which continues to be under-represented in the Canadian Adult Education literature on social movement learning. This case study draws on detailed reflection based on my own personal experience as a leader and member of the Black Action Defense Committee (BADC). The analysis demonstrates the limitations to the application of the Gramscian approach to radical adult education in the non-profit sector, I will refer to as the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (NPIC) drawing on recent research by INCITE Women of Colour! (2007). This study fills important gaps in the new fields of studies on the NPIC and its role in the cooptation of dissent, by offering the first Canadian study of a radical Black anti-racist organization currently experiencing this. This study fills an important gap in the social movement and adult education literature related to the legacy of Canadian Black Communism specifically on the Canadian left.

In 1952 Gamal Abdel Nasser and his clique of disaffected young officers launched ‘the Free Officer’s Coup,’ deposing the monarchy, overturning the parliamentary system, and launching a durable regime that defined the face of Egypt in the second half of the twentieth century. This thesis examines the relationship between Nasser and Egypt’s intellectuals, and takes preeminent writers Naguib Mahfouz and Yusuf Idris to reveal the social environment in which this relationship took place. The literary and historical evidence reveals a lively relationship of contestation, critique, accommodation, dependence, and acclamation. Promulgating reformist domestic policies and defiantly nationalist foreign policies, Nasser earned legitimization from intellectuals. His regime endeavored to establish hegemony over Egyptian civil society, an effort resisted and repulsed by intellectuals. Inspired by the most relevant theoretical literature on intellectuals, namely the work of Julien Benda, Antonio Gramsci, and Edward Said, this thesis reveals responsibilities and challenges faced by intellectuals everywhere.

Zhang Xianliang's writing, best known for breaking sexual taboos, is also praised for its exposition of the Communist Party of China's persecution of male intellectuals, which led ultimately to their physical and psychological emasculation. Since the founding of the Qin dynasty in 221 BCE, Chinese intellectuals have been a primary target in the political campaigns of whatever elite happened to be in power, and Zhang's fictionalized autobiography apparently minors this narrative. However, it is the purpose of this thesis to offer a radically different reading, one that examines what is left unsaid in Zhang's texts. what falls under the mark of erasure- the status, role, and function of women in Chinese society . Drawing upon analytical techniques from Deconstruction, Feminist criticism and Freudian analysis I explore the following questions: (I) why are Chinese male intellectuals obsessed with having political power? (2) What is the relationship between politics and sexuality in the People's Republic? (3) What is it in the psychological make-up of male intellectuals which allows them to victimize women after they themselves were victimized? (4) How is it possible for the author to reconcile his criticism of state policies while supporting the rhetoric of the Party's propaganda? A close examination of the three texts under review yields a wealth of information, some of which answers questions, some of which raises other questions. However, in reading Zhang Xianliang's trilogy two things become apparent: his protagonist, Zhang Yonglin, only regains his "manhood" both psychologically and sexually through the intervention of women; and the unspoken truth that their insatiable desire for political and sexual power contributed to the "tragic" fate of male intellectuals in modern Chinese society.

Following the creation of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia ICMI, Indonesian Muslim Intellectual Association) on December 6, 1990, an event which had shaken the Indonesian political scene, discussion of the relation and affinity between Islam and the state once again came to the fore. The controversy surrounding ICMI's establishment revolved around two basic questions, namely, whether it was a political maneuver by the New Order government, or a true manifestation of the Muslim community's aspirations. The resulting situation prompted a large number of responses from people of various backgrounds. Support, opposition and neutrality towards ICMI arose during its five year existence (1990-1995). These responses took cognizance of the hidden motives behind the New Order's political support of the organization, as well as the government's new appreciation and accommodation of Islam and Muslim demands. / The present thesis will thus note, evaluate and analyze these responses in light of the specific context surrounding ICMI's establishment, as well as the numerous analyses extended by various political observers. The thesis will also seek to explain why ICMI became a phenomenon welcomed by most Indonesian Muslims.