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This thesis tries to demonstrate that psychoanalytic principles, primarily those developed by Sigmund Freud, can be extrapolated from the individual to the collective level-of-analysis in order to formulate a paradigm of international relations. The first part illustrates that structural concepts of Freudian psychoanalysis provide a model of human psychology by which traditions of international political thinking, both Western and non-Western, can be compared and analysed; it is argued that the 'id-ego-superego' model provides a trans-cultural and trans-historical representation of political philosophy. Similarly, although Freud's writing on political and social themes did not examine the political philosophies of either Western or non-Western traditions in any depth, nor elaborate a theory of international relations, his analyses of political and social affairs, while limited, would seem to have applied his individual models of human psychology to analyse relations between group actors such as states, even though he did not make this explicit. Nonetheless, this thesis extrapolates psychoanalytic principles to the level of state and non-state groupings in order to develop a psychoanalytic theory of international relations based on four main themes: first, that the 'id-ego-superego' model of human socialisation can be used to construct an 'order out of chaos theory' of international society; secondly, that ego psychology can be used to analyse the foreign policy interactions of state apparats; thirdly, that psychoanalytic precepts can be used to construct a 'fourth image' of war, and finally, that the psychoanalytic model developed in this thesis intersects with the three main paradigms of modern international relations theory, namely structuralism, pluralism, and realism/idealism, which suggests that they need not be considered as mutually exclusive bodies of theory. It is concluded that the concepts elaborated in this thesis, which are illustrated by means of historical observations and case studies, constitute a theoretical model that offers a distinct view of world politics.

This thesis attempts to evaluate the processes through which members of the Group of Seventy-Seven manage to maintain the coalition. The analysis is concerned with the management of conflict within the Group and the development of cooperative strategies. The analysis focuses on the operation of the Group of Seventy-Seven in the institutional context of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Part One of the study consists of a detailed account of the origins of the Group of Seventy-Seven. The concrete historical circumstances which gave rise to the formation of the coalition are assessed. Part Two attempts to evaluate the importance of organisational characteristics for the development and maintenance of unity in the Group of Seventy-Seven. We investigate the salience of the UNCTAD framework for the development of persistent patterns of group behaviour. We then examine the creation and development of organisational structures and processes specific to the Group of Seventy-Seven. The transformation of the Group from a highly informal coalition to one with highly developed institutional procedures and the influence of these organisational features on coalition behaviour is analysed. Part Three of the study assesses the extent to which the negotiating positions of the Group of Seventy-Seven are affected by the existence of various cleavages within the coalition. Two detailed case-studies provide the data for an analysis of patterns of conflict and conflict management.

The proliferation of nuclear technology in the Middle East, primarily in Israel, has created a series of problems and issues for research which are dealt with in this study. A general theoretical framework within which these problems could be discussed, is suggested. First, the concept of regional sub systems of the global international system, is applied to problems of nuclear proliferation in general. Then, the effects of the proliferation of nuclear technology on the one hand, and the proliferation of nuclear weapons on the other, on the various levels of the international system, are analysed. Second, the problem of the uses of nuclear options for diplomatic and strategic bargaining, is considered here, as distinct from that of weapons themselves. A model of these uses is formulated, and two case studies, one on Israel and one, in comparative terms, on India, are investigated. The development of the nuclear option in Israel is studied within the general framework of the Israeli strategic doctrines. This development triggered a public debate in Israel on nuclear policy. This debate and the international reactions, forced the Israeli government to formulate a policy regarding problems of arms control. Both the public debate and the Israeli position on arms control are studied. The development of the Israeli nuclear option put the Arab statss and especially the Egyptian government into grave dilemmas. The reactions of the various Arab regimes to the Israeli option varied. The Egyptians had to develop a series of responses, which on their part were directed mainly at creating a deterrent against Israel 'going nuclear'. The major problem of whether the development of the Israeli option has affected the structure of the conflict between the two sides is analysed. While the development of nuclear options does not appear yet to have had any profoundly de-stabilising effect on the Middle East sub-system (and the same could be said about the Indian-Pakistani relationship), it is argued that a possible future proliferation of nuclear weapons into the Arab-Israeli region, will have destabilising effects on this region and on the Middle East sub-system in general. And it is further argued that if this proliferation is asymmetrical it might have some destabilising effects on the bipolar system as well. Thus the whole issue of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, is put within the general framework of different levels of the international system, and the interaction between developments in a sub-system on the one hand, and the bipolar system on the other, is discussed.

This thesis addresses the question: how do individuals in a conflict society engage in peaceful dispute resolution through mediation? It provides a close look at Israeli society, in which people face daily conflicts. These include confrontations on many levels: the national, such as wars and terror attacks; the social, such as ethnic, religious and economic tensions; and the personal level, whereby the number of lawyers and legal claims per capita are among the highest in the world. The magnitude, pervasiveness, and often existential nature of these conflicts have led sociologists to label Israel a ‘conflict society’.   Mediation practice came into this society and challenged the existing ethos and norms by proposing a discourse of dialogue and cooperation. The thesis focuses on the meeting point that mediation engenders between narratives of conflict, which have developed in this environment, and the mediation processes, which set out to achieve a collaborative discourse and mutual recognition.   The fieldwork, forming the core of the thesis, consists of the observation of supervised mediation processes of civil disputes in two leading mediation centres, and interviews with professionals and key figures in the discipline. The wide variety of voices of a broad range of interviewees and many different parties provide for rich, qualitative data.   The use of the narrative‐ethnographic approach in observing mediation processes helps identify key themes in participantsʹ  narratives. The subsequent analysis leads to the insight that these mediation processes reflect, in a subtle way, the narratives, beliefs and needs of individuals in a conflict society. The findings from this study indicate that perceptions of life in a conflict society are clearly manifested through mediation processes. These place obstacles and inhibit the attainment of agreements. Yet, surprisingly, some of the findings also demonstrate an aversion to conflict and a well‐expressed desire to maintain communication and to achieve peaceful resolution.

This thesis analyses the making of West German policy towards the Portuguese dictatorship during the governments led by Willy Brandt and Marcelo Caetano, from 1968 until the dictatorship’s downfall on 25 April 1974. This case study sheds new light on the interaction between the Cold War and colonial politics, particularly on the multilateral dimension of the process of Portuguese resistance to decolonisation. Although the starting point is the bilateral relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and Portugal, this thesis takes a multifaceted approach to the topic. It examines the role of various external and internal forces pushing for change and continuity in Bonn’s policy towards Lisbon. Research demonstrates that not only did that policy become a contentious issue internationally, it also polarised West Germany’s society, parliament and different sections of Bonn’s social-liberal coalition government. Taking this into account, my work covers the diplomatic, economic and military areas of the relations between the two states. It also addresses the parallel ties between the German Social-Democratic Party and the opposition to the dictatorship, including the Portuguese socialists and the African liberation movements. The thesis argues that, despite many impulses and pressures to assertively confront the Portuguese dictatorship’s refusal to decolonise and democratise, West German policy towards the Caetano regime remained essentially cooperative, even if becoming increasingly ambiguous over time. That option reflected the geopolitical and conceptual contradictions between adopting a more aggressive policy towards Portugal and defending Bonn’s contemporary policy of rapprochement with Eastern Europe (neue Ostpolitik). Thus this thesis illustrates the interconnectedness between the global Cold War framework and the perpetuation of colonialism in Africa.