No description available.

Literature on South Asian migration to Britain points to the continuing importance of religion to migrants, particularly to Muslims. Religious continuity depends on effective transmission of beliefs, practices and values to younger generations. South Asians account for around three-quarters of British Muslims but within this group there is wide variation as regards socio-economic status, education, migration and settlement history, cultural norms and sectarian affiliation. This study considers the impact of migration on the religious nurture provided by two groups of second generation parents of South Asian Muslim origin in Peterborough: one group's background is in Pakistan, and the other group, the Khoja Shi'a Ithna'asheri, are East African Asian Muslims. This qualitative study is based on interviews with parents about their approaches to the religious nurture of their children and the ways in which this was similar to or different from their own upbringing. In each group twenty-four parents, mostly mothers, took part in semi-structured interviews. These were supplemented by ethnographic observation to give a detailed account of religious nurture in the two communities. The study investigates both formal and informal nurture as well as the family background contexts and the impact of children's schooling. Similarities and differences between the two communities are described and an explanatory framework in terms of trans nationalism and diaspora is suggested; the use of the concepts of 'community' and A culture' is discussed with reference to the groups studied. Transgene rational differences in approaches to nurture are discussed in the context of changes attributable to migration and those linked to aspects of modern life at a global level. The analysis suggests that differences are linked to socio-economic status and migration history, particularly as regards the 'once-mig rant' and 'twice-migranf character of the communities. Differences are also related to the conflation of religion and culture in the Pakistani families and to community support networks and the nature of the Shi'a religious calendar in the Khoja Shi'a Ithna'asheri ones. The study highlights the extent of Muslim diversity within the two communities as well as differences between them. Parents showed very high levels of commitment to the transmission of religious values and practices to the third generation. Levels of religious observance were variable but had not declined overall across one generation. Most parents did not aspire to educational success for their children if it was to be achieved at the expense of religious continuity. They negotiated ways of maintaining Islamic requirements as they interpreted them whilst trying to 'fit in' with mainstream life in Britain.

This thesis is a study of Iranian-Islamic social movements. Iran has witnessed four major social movements in the late nineteenth and twentieth century. Except for the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79 which attracted a great deal of sociological attention, and the Constitutional Revolution which has received some specialist study, the other two, regardless of their importance and influence in the Iranian history, have been grossly neglected. In order to have a better sociological understanding and a more general model of this type of social movements there is need to review all of them according to the same theory and with an identical method. These cases which are explored in this study are: the Tobacco Movement (1892) - an 'anti colonialism' movement, the Constitutional Revolution (1905-1906) - a 'justice' movement, the 15th of Khordad movement (1963) - an 'anti modernisation' movement, and the last in chain, the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79 - an 'anti imperialism' movement. This thesis also attempts to provide a contribution to the theory of social movements with a review and synthesis of the existing major theories of the area. Ten key social movement theories are reviewed and a new synthetic one is developed. The models under review belong to Smelser (1962), Davies (1962), Toch (1966), Blumer (1969), Wilson (1973), Tilly (1978), Touraine (1981), McCarthy and Zald (1987), Melucci (1989) and Scott (1990). These theories identify quite different 'engines' of the social movement and thus can be classified according to whether they regard the individual, society, or their relations as the main cause or initiator of the social movements. Following the discussions of the relationship between the individual and society, this thesis recognises the need for an approach to social explanation which looks at the fine texture of the interrelationship of the structure, agency, and their relations, and so proposes a 'synthetic' theory of social movements which recognises the importance of the conjunction of the three elements of the individualist, the structural and the relationalist models. In this theory of social movements, social context provides the ground for the underlying mechanism of the movement to be released. Ideology plays the part of the relational factor between the individual and the society. It is the main mobilisational factor of social movements. Actors then 'perform' the movements at three levels of social actions: leadership, distribution, and enactment of the outburst. The synthetic theory provides a framework for a more comprehensive study of the four cases. Each of the movements is explained using it as a 'conceptual grid' and it is shown on each occasion to be useful tool in identifying the main agents, antagonisms, ideologies, social opportunities and constraints, and the accomplishment of the movements. So whilst the movements vary by 'focus' and by 'success' it is shown that it is Islamic ideology which shapes the goals of 'justice', 'freedom', 'independence' and 'democracy'. In all of the reviewed movements the authority of the shah came into dispute with the command of the ulama, and it was religious rituals and organisations which mobilised the people. Whilst the synthetic theory proposed here can provide an analytic framework with which to compare the movements, the history of the analysed movements reveals the significance of the 'political sociology' of Iran's last hundred years. This dimention provides an understanding of some of the 'initial conditins' which underpin the Iranian social movements. The thesis attempts to outline some crucial elements in this sociopolitical history, and attest their importance by examination of one further Iranian social movement, the National Movement of Iran (195 1-1953). This was a predominantly non-Islamic movement which failed because it declined to take the advantage of the authority of the ulama as one of the major sways at the socio-political setting of Iranian society. The adequacy of the resultant knowledge from the proposed model of Iranian-Islamic social movements is further tested against the some writings of nine scholars on Iranian social movements: Fischer (1980), Milani (1988), Parsa (1989), Amuzegar (1991), Ray (1993), Zubaida (1993), Moaddel (1993), Foran (1994) and Keddie (1995).

No description available.

Diss.--Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 365-389.

Texte remanié de: Thèse d'université--droit--Paris, [1957]. / Date d'édition déduite de la date de publication mentionnée dans le cédérom Electre, 2007-08-22. Bibliogr. p. 183-187.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Paris--EHESS, 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 381-401. Glossaire. Index. Arbres généalogiques.

Diss.--dogmatische Theologie--Universität Bamberg, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 545-596. Index.

Dissertation--Universität Passau, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 302-340.

Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : Lettres : Universidad de Granada : 1974. / Bibliogr. p. [117]-120. Index.