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Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration - of which much was 'illegal'. This was despite formally strict controls - EU policy - and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration - leading to identification of a 'policy paradox'. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support - despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged 'insiders' and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to 'socially reproduce' 'imported' labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft - a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. Dynamics are further driven by the desire to be seen to preserve the 'rule of law' and guarantee the exclusivity of national 'social contracts'. Nation-building in policymaking was detected by uncovering the national-linguistic considerations behind the controversial drive to devolve immigration powers to Catalonia. Mushrooming irregularity was a result of migrant agency and the restrictive tendencies of the Aznar administration and EU. Despite the Popular Party (and EU) being notably pro-business, tensions emerged with employers who lobbied alongside unions to bring about the liberalisations introduced by the Zapatero government (2004-2011). Employers benefit from the (continued) institutional conditioning of migrant labour and irregular hiring has been tolerated - aided by a relatively informal and insecure labour market. Yet it is a mistake to see high levels irregularity simply as labour policy. The unequal and instrumental nature of European integration meant the Spanish State played a border policing role that threatened its labour needs before the crisis. This led to political 'fudge' based on varying models of irregularity-amnesty-irregularity, and reinforced pro-European and Hispanist migrant recruitment tendencies. Changes in government have reshaped policymaking (and increased or decreased related tensions) but less-democratic influences were identified in interviews and a clear political economy of immigration can be identified.

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a dinâmica que promoveu uma possível securitização da imigração nos Estados Unidos após 2001. Para tanto, procuramos identificar e analisar as mudanças na formulação, orientação e condução da política de imigração nos Estados Unidos a partir da ótica do enforcement imigratório e das legislações de imigração, enfatizando a atuação dos grupos restricionistas para a evolução dessa política. Defendemos que a colocação da imigração como uma questão de segurança no pós-11 de setembro está inserida dentro de um processo mais amplo e resgata o papel importante do ativismo restricionista em especial, do nativismo - na promoção de conteúdos hostis ao imigrante. Além de ser fruto de uma trajetória de demonização do imigrante identificada desde o século XIX, o cenário pós-11 de setembro marca a consolidação da escalada do controle imigratório em curso desde finais dos anos 1980. Na conclusão, utilizamos parte do arcabouço teórico sobre segurança desenvolvido pela Escola de Copenhague para testar a hipótese proposta inicialmente, procurando também apontar os perigos concernentes ao alargamento do conceito de segurança e à produção de modelos de política imigratória como o norteamericano que, ao colocar em destaque os aspectos de segurança da imigração, promoveu uma lógica de ingerência da política de segurança na condução da política imigratória e que tem implicado num aprofundamento dos estranhamentos culturais e das representações negativas do imigrante. / This research intends to analyze the dynamics that probably promoted the securitization of immigration in the United States after 2001. In order to accomplish this objective, are analyzed the changes in formulation, orientation and conduction of the immigration politics in the United States through the study of the immigration law and enforcement, focusing on the role of restrictionist groups in the development of that politics. We will try to demonstrate that the treatment of immigration as a security issue in the post-September 11 era must be comprehended into a broader process and that it recovers the restrictionist activisms role especially, the nativism of promoting hostile contents about immigrant. Therefore, the post-September context is both a product of a trajectory of demonization of the immigrant that can be identified since the ninetieth century and the consolidation of the immigration control escalate that was in progress since the late 1980s. Finally, the analysis employs the Copenhagen Schools securitization concept in order to test the basic hypothesis of this dissertation and to contribute for the making up of immigration politics outside the logic based on security aspects of immigration

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a dinâmica que promoveu uma possível securitização da imigração nos Estados Unidos após 2001. Para tanto, procuramos identificar e analisar as mudanças na formulação, orientação e condução da política de imigração nos Estados Unidos a partir da ótica do enforcement imigratório e das legislações de imigração, enfatizando a atuação dos grupos restricionistas para a evolução dessa política. Defendemos que a colocação da imigração como uma questão de segurança no pós-11 de setembro está inserida dentro de um processo mais amplo e resgata o papel importante do ativismo restricionista em especial, do nativismo - na promoção de conteúdos hostis ao imigrante. Além de ser fruto de uma trajetória de demonização do imigrante identificada desde o século XIX, o cenário pós-11 de setembro marca a consolidação da escalada do controle imigratório em curso desde finais dos anos 1980. Na conclusão, utilizamos parte do arcabouço teórico sobre segurança desenvolvido pela Escola de Copenhague para testar a hipótese proposta inicialmente, procurando também apontar os perigos concernentes ao alargamento do conceito de segurança e à produção de modelos de política imigratória como o norteamericano que, ao colocar em destaque os aspectos de segurança da imigração, promoveu uma lógica de ingerência da política de segurança na condução da política imigratória e que tem implicado num aprofundamento dos estranhamentos culturais e das representações negativas do imigrante. / This research intends to analyze the dynamics that probably promoted the securitization of immigration in the United States after 2001. In order to accomplish this objective, are analyzed the changes in formulation, orientation and conduction of the immigration politics in the United States through the study of the immigration law and enforcement, focusing on the role of restrictionist groups in the development of that politics. We will try to demonstrate that the treatment of immigration as a security issue in the post-September 11 era must be comprehended into a broader process and that it recovers the restrictionist activisms role especially, the nativism of promoting hostile contents about immigrant. Therefore, the post-September context is both a product of a trajectory of demonization of the immigrant that can be identified since the ninetieth century and the consolidation of the immigration control escalate that was in progress since the late 1980s. Finally, the analysis employs the Copenhagen Schools securitization concept in order to test the basic hypothesis of this dissertation and to contribute for the making up of immigration politics outside the logic based on security aspects of immigration

Cette thèse cherche à saisir, au plus près des expériences, ce que signifie pour les étrangers en situation irrégulière de vivre sous la menace de l’expulsion. L’interpellation policière susceptible de surgir à tout moment et le spectre de la reconduite à la frontière façonnent leur quotidien. Afin de garantir leur séjour sur le territoire français, les étrangers en situation irrégulière doivent constamment se confronter à d’innombrables questions auxquelles il leur est bien difficile de répondre : à qui puis-je faire confiance ? Où se situe le risque de l’arrestation ? Comment ne pas être découvert comme irrégulier ? La menace qui s’immisce dans les moindres replis de l’existence vient en troubler tous les repères. Vivre sous la menace impose alors, au-delà des seules tactiques de contournement et de dissimulation employées pour se soustraire aux contrôles policiers, de mener quotidiennement des investigations pour tenter de s’orienter au sein d’un univers opaque. C’est l’exploration de cette réalité déstabilisée qui fait l’objet de cette recherche. Sont ainsi analysés la perception, les contours et les effets de la menace. À partir d’un travail de terrain mené entre novembre 2005 et juin 2013, d’abord dans un local de rétention administrative de la région parisienne, puis à l’extérieur par le suivi des étrangers en situation irrégulière ayant échappé à leur expulsion, cette thèse interroge la politique de contrôle de l’immigration qui fait de la menace la forme de gouvernement d’une population. / This research attempts to describe what it means to live with the constant threat of deportation in France. The everyday lives of undocumented migrants are shaped by imminent police arrests and the specter of deportation. In order to guarantee their stay in France, unauthorized migrants must confront questions that are often very difficult to answer: Who can I trust? Where does the risk of arrest lie? How can I hide the fact that I am undocumented? This threat is constantly present in every crevice of their existence. To live under the threat of deportation then is more than simply avoiding and deceiving the authorities; unauthorized migrants are forced to constantly evaluate and adjust to an unpredictable destabilized world. It is with this self-questioning that this dissertation is concerned; it aims at analyzing the forms the threat takes, the perception that individuals have of it, and the effects it has on their everyday existence.Based on ethnographic research carried out between November 2005 and June 2013, firstly in a detention facility in the Parisian suburbs, and then out of the detention center, following undocumented migrants who were not deported, this dissertation questions immigration policies that use threat as a form of governing a population.