Estudo sobre a imigração judaica italiana no Brasil, em particular em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro, no contexto da política anti-semita do governo Vargas (1937-1945). Tem como base a relação dos judeus italianos que, a partir de 1938, foram obrigados a deixar seu país após a emissão das leis raciais fascistas (1938). Com destaque, analisa a postura de Jorge Latour, diplomata brasileiro, atento aos efeitos das leis de exclusão no território italiano. Os relatórios de Latour tinham como objetivo estimular os políticos brasileiros a seguir o mesmo caminho da Itália fascista. Investiga a concessão de vistos aos judeus italianos refugiados no Brasil, assim como suas estratégias de sobrevivência e formas de adaptação à comunidade brasileira em geral. / We present the results of a research into the Italian Jewish immigration in Brazil, and particularly in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the face of the anti-Semitic policy of Getúlio Vargas´s government (1937-1945). This research is based on a list of Italian Jews who were forced to leave their country after the issuance of the fascist racial laws in 1938. It especially analyses the position of Brazilian diplomat Jorge Latour, alert to the effects of the laws of exclusion in Italian territory. Latour´s reports aimed at stimulating Brazilian politicians to follow the same path of fascist Italy. It investigates the concession of visas to Italian Jews who took refuge in Brazil, as well as the subterfuges they used to survive and their forms of adaptation to the Brazilian community in general.

acase@tulane.edu / The social landscape of post-Katrina New Orleans continues to evolve. With increasing Latino presence, public schools must adapt to changing demographics. Latinos now represent 6% of the city’s youth population (Perry, 2016). During the 2015-2016 school year, seven schools in Orleans parish reported Latino enrollment greater than 15%; 30 out of 82 public schools that same year reported Latino enrollment greater than 5% (BESE, 2016). In neighboring Jefferson parish, one in four students is Latino (Dreilinger, 2016). In 2014, the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) settled two landmark cases in Southeastern Louisiana related to civil rights abuses toward Latino English Language Learners (ELLs) and their Limited English Proficient (LEP) families. Despite a voluntary 2014 OCR resolution agreement settled by Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB), in New Orleans it remains to be seen how a decentralized school system will accommodate its own growing Latino immigrant population. This is particularly significant now (2017) as local public education undergoes a reunification process to centralize under one governing body: the OPSB. How will this school system ensure the provision of civil rights and equitable educational access to a linguistically isolated population within its district? This dissertation examines Latino LEP parental involvement in decentralized New Orleans public schools. There is a positive correlation between parental participation in education and educational outcomes for Latino students (Sattin-Bajaj, 2014; Jeynes, 2016). Using lenses of cultural capital theory (Bourdieu, 1986; Lamont & Lareau, 1988), and democratic inclusion (Young, 2000), this research demonstrates how cultural capital – including language, and institutional compass – affects Latino LEP parental participation in education. The primary contribution of this work is an in-depth examination of language access as a concept, process, and civil right. By examining the application of federal civil rights (Title VI, Civil Rights Act 1964) and education law (Title III, ESSA, 2015) in New Orleans, this dissertation quantifies compliance, and qualifies examples of policies and practices that foster inclusivity and belonging within diverse learning communities. / 1 / Gwendolyn M. Murray

In the period 1880 to 1919, the organized labor and woman suffrage movements in the United States brought together and reframed for public discourse some of the most divisive and fundamental questions facing the nation, questions concerning the relationship of race, class, and gender to citizenship and national belonging. Concurrent with the expansion of these social movements, the states of Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin were transformed as the promise of cheap and productive farmland and the opportunity to develop autonomous ethnic communities led to the influx of large numbers of immigrants. This region underwent significant change at the same time that debates over women’s public roles intensified and focused attention on the presumed inability of racialized “others” to responsibly perform the duties of citizenship. Through their public activism, immigrant women helped shape these debates and put forth for public consideration their perspectives on important issues of the day. In contrast to historical analyses that portray foreign-born women as politically indifferent, this dissertation demonstrates that immigrant women in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin expressed strong and public support for women’s right to vote and for labor’s right to organize. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, women's rights activists reframed the movement's ideological underpinnings and attempted to recast gendered perceptions concerning women’s appropriate role in public life, efforts that at times served to widen class and racial divides. White native-born female activists embraced maternalism as a means of justifying their increased presence in the political realm, an ideology that elevated women’s public status while simultaneously reinforcing middle- and upper-class ideals of domesticity. My findings reveal that through their work for woman suffrage and in support of organized labor, immigrant women sought to advance alternative understandings of gender, ethnicity, and citizenship. Foreign-born women, more so than their native-born counterparts, articulated their desire for the ballot in the language of equal and natural rights and directed their activism not only in support of women’s political equality but also toward highlighting the patriotism and political fitness of all members of their ethnic community. During labor disputes, women strike activists at times embraced militant motherhood by integrating maternal duties and identities into a confrontational style of public activism. With their words and actions, immigrant women expanded “motherhood” to include public, at times violent, activism in support of class interests. Female strike activists often paid a price, however, for openly asserting their rights to economic justice. The dominant society’s opinion makers excoriated immigrant women for taking a public stand and racialized immigrant groups on the basis of immigrant women’s perceived transgression of gender norms. Historians have analyzed immigrant women’s labor activism in large urban areas such as New York City and Chicago, but we know little about how and why immigrant women chose to become politically active in a setting dominated by rural and small urban communities and how these actions shaped emerging regional institutions and attitudes. Analyses of immigrant women’s political activism in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin expands our understanding of the gendered ideologies that encouraged or constrained women’s public work and the processes of racialization that shaped public opinion toward immigration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

This educational history thesis contributes to knowledge of citizenship education in Australia during the 1940s and 1950s. It provides unique perspectives on an important part of Australian citizenship educational history. This examination of citizenship education also helps to explain contemporary trends and the recent revival of citizenship education in multicultural Australia. Following the Second World War, Australian political leaders initiated an unprecedented immigration programme to help develop and defend post-war Australia. The programme enjoyed bipartisan support and was extraordinary in terms of magnitude and nature. It became the catalyst for a citizenship education campaign orchestrated by Federal political leaders for the benefit of all Australians. The citizenship education campaign was, however, primarily aimed at non-British adult migrants. The intention of the Federal Government was to maintain the cultural hegemony of the Anglo-Celts evident in pre-war Australia. In accordance with government policy, the new arrivals were expected to assimilate into the Australian community and become loyal citizens. Citizenship rested on a common national language and thus, the focus was on teaching migrants of non-British origin English for the workplace, everyday intercourse and, as a means to dissuade migrant enclaves. This thesis comprises of three sections which illustrate how the citizenship education campaign was extended through: (i) official education channels; (ii) the media, specifically the Australian Broadcasting Commission; and (iii) annual citizenship conventions which encompasses a case study of the Good Neighbour Movement in New South Wales. These particular areas have been chosen as they identify important and different ways the campaign was expressed and funded. Discussion of the financial arrangements concerning the implementation of the campaign is important as it uniquely illustrates the power of the Federal authorities to direct the campaign as they considered necessary. It also highlights conflict between Federal and State authorities in dealing with the education of new arrivals, primarily due to the traditional two-tier system of government extant in Australia. The general theoretical framework of this thesis emanates from concepts and ideas of writers who illustrate, in general, the concentration of power within Australia society and supports this work's notion of a `top-down' paradigm, i.e. one invariably directed by the nation's political leaders. This paradigm is presented in an effort to provide an appreciation of the powerful nature of the Federal Government's immigration policy and citizenship education campaign in the dramatic post-war reconstruction period. The thesis is related to an elite theory of political change but with due consideration to issues of context, that is, Australian society in the 1940s and 1950s. Understanding that there was a citizenship education campaign provides a novel means of appreciating post-war immigration policy. The campaign embedded and tied together multifarious notions extant in the Australian Government policy for the Australian community in meeting the challenges of a nation experiencing massive social and economic change. Significantly, this study helps to explain the shift from the Anglo-Celtic, mono-cultural view of citizenship to one that officially recognises the culturally diverse nature of Australian society today.

The primary aim of this research was to find predictors of psycho-social adjustment of Polish immigrants to Sydney, Australia. There were two sets of independent variables considered: i) personal characteristics, including: intelligence, extraversion, neuroticism, style of attribution and self-acceptance and ii) demographic information, consisted of: age, gender, length of residence, marital status, number of children, educational level, yearly income, immigration status (dependent vs. independent immigration) and residential status. The dependent variables were social (adaptation and assimilation) and psychological adjustment. The hypotheses tested in the study were that each of these personal and demographic characteristics would be associated with adaptation and/or assimilation, and psychological well-being. The two samples (both studies) were composed of more than 200 first generation Polish immigrants who arrived in Australia after 1980. No significant gender differences were found. The internal consistency and principal components structure of Adaptation and Assimilation were examined, and the measures were refined. There were employed standard measurements (i.e. GHQ, BDI, BAI, EPI, ASQ, Raven Matrices and WAIS-Vocabulary) and newly developed measures (i.e. the Social Adjustment Scale and the Self-Acceptance Questionnaire). The general results suggested that psycho-social adjustment was best predicted by three pre-arrival characteristics (extraversion, education and self-acceptance), and post-arrival employment status and length of residence. There were, however, some differences in regard to the particular aspects of psycho-social adjustment. Better adaptation was meaningfully related to employment (income) and education in Study 1, and self-acceptance, employment and extraversion in Study 2; better assimilation seemed to be significantly predicted by education, age of arrival and length of residence (Study 1), and self-acceptance, extraversion, education and age of arrival (Study 2). Psychological [mal]adjustment was best indicated by globality and stability in attributing negative events (Study 1), lower self-acceptance and lack of employment status (Study 2).

This thesis focuses on Fraudulent migratory marriages by discussing two paradigms of such marriages, the Abandoned Brides Problem in India and the Fraudulent Immigration Marriages or Marriages of Convenience in Canada. It highlights some of the socio-economic and legal problems that may arise in these migratory marriages and explores the various legal solutions proposed as solutions to them. The solutions offered in these two instances require changes in two different areas of law, the first being Private International Law and the second Immigration Law.

This thesis addresses the complex relationship between the federal and provincial governments with regard to the creation and implementation of economic migration policies and programs. As immigration is subject to shared jurisdiction under the Constitution, provinces have begun to take up an important and ever-increasing role in immigration policy and have used it as an effective tool to reach regional economic and demographic objectives. However, devolving responsibilities for economic migration policy to the provinces raises questions about the proper balance between federal and provincial immigration powers. The thesis will address this issue by giving an overview of the current mechanisms in place that govern the division of immigration powers between the two levels of government, the main critiques on it and the theoretical framework that supports the choices made. It then tries to provide the reader with alternative approaches to the division of powers for specific elements of the immigration process.

Literature addressing Canada’s immigrant professionals has primarily focused on the negative aspects of life-career transition. Research themes have centered on discouraging features of migration such as barriers, discrimination, underemployment and unemployment. Surprisingly few studies have explored how, in spite of personal and environmental barriers, some new Canadians have found they have flourished in their new country. The purpose of this study is to explore the lived experiences of a group of immigrant professionals who believe they have successfully transitioned in the life-career domains. Using a grounded theory approach, 20 individuals were interviewed about their experiences. Analysis revealed that a combination of internal and external factors contributed or hindered their life-career trajectories. Meaning making, social support and behavioural coping emerged as primary coping strategies. Issues with language and accreditation emerged as significant barriers to life-career development. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

This thesis focuses on Fraudulent migratory marriages by discussing two paradigms of such marriages, the Abandoned Brides Problem in India and the Fraudulent Immigration Marriages or Marriages of Convenience in Canada. It highlights some of the socio-economic and legal problems that may arise in these migratory marriages and explores the various legal solutions proposed as solutions to them. The solutions offered in these two instances require changes in two different areas of law, the first being Private International Law and the second Immigration Law.

This thesis addresses the complex relationship between the federal and provincial governments with regard to the creation and implementation of economic migration policies and programs. As immigration is subject to shared jurisdiction under the Constitution, provinces have begun to take up an important and ever-increasing role in immigration policy and have used it as an effective tool to reach regional economic and demographic objectives. However, devolving responsibilities for economic migration policy to the provinces raises questions about the proper balance between federal and provincial immigration powers. The thesis will address this issue by giving an overview of the current mechanisms in place that govern the division of immigration powers between the two levels of government, the main critiques on it and the theoretical framework that supports the choices made. It then tries to provide the reader with alternative approaches to the division of powers for specific elements of the immigration process.