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Diasporic Homecoming and the New Indian City “We set out, [my father] and my mother and I, for Karol Bagh. ‘15/64 Western Extension Area, Ajmal Khan Road,’ he chanted momentously in the back of the car. We drove through the wide, fluid streets of the bureaucratic area…the entire area was bursting at the seams: shops and warehouses extended out onto the streets, apartments had grown upwards and outwards into every possible gap, and parked cars filled in the rest. We missed our turn and had to do a U-turn, a mistake that cost us half an hour…My father became increasingly upset as we penetrated deeper and deeper into the end-of-day clamour. ‘Karol Bagh used to be a bagh,’ he said, ‘a garden. I used to ride my bike on these streets. What happened?’”—Rana Dasgupta

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After the Second World War, a type of social planning called Community Development was widely adopted by underdeveloped countries. This comprehensive approach has a basic postulate: if opportunity is given, people will respond. In this assumption, considerations of 'process' are neglected. The focus of this thesis is the analysis of the social process of Community Development Programmes with special reference to India. When a stimulus is given to an organism, the response is determined in part by the structure of the organism. The process of social response is determined by two sets of independent variables, the social structure and the relevant values. These variables are examined at two levels, administrative organization and village society. From the analysis, the writer discovered that there is a contradiction, perhaps an inherent one, in the two ultimate targets of social planning. Thus an increase of production and an extension of social justice may be incompatible, and there is a lag between material programmes and educational programmes that is inevitable but exceedingly hard to reckon with. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

In spite of the fact that Indian civilization was at the height of its glory when Western civilization had not yet seen the light of day, and India was once far more advanced industrially than any one of the present industrialized nations, the Country until very recently had long been the forgotten Nation of the East because her affairs were controlled for some two hundred years by a foreign colonial power. It' was only as recently as 1947 that India finally got her independence and the national Government was able to take steps to improve the economic condition of its people. This was to be accomplished through a broad developmental program, consisting of a succession of Five Year plans. In this herculean undertaking the Country's banking system has played and continues to play a leading role. It provides the Country's currency, finances its current output and mobilizes in one form or another the savings so desperately needed for the industrial expansion program now underway in India. In view of its importance in the expanding Indian economy the author undertook, as a thesis, the task of setting forth both historically and analytically the structure and development of the Indian banking system. The System itself consists of two large non-competing, though not completely dis-associated, parts usually referred to as the "organized" and "unorganized" sectors of the Indian money market. The link between the two sectors is so weak and tenuous that changes in one are seldom reflected in the other. The unorganized sector consists of a large number of Indigenous bankers and money lenders who, since time immemorial, have catered to the banking and credit needs of the Indian economy. With the institution of the European banks in India the activities of these bankers were mainly restricted to financing the internal trade of the Country and to providing for the credit needs of agriculturists, artisans, small tradesmen, etc., and save for local trade associations, national trade organizations and such correspondents as outside collections and remittances make necessary, these bankers operate independently without any direction or control by the Reserve Bank. So far all attempts of the Reserve Bank to bring them within its province and thus regulate their banking business have borne no fruit. It has long been held, with some element of truth that the members of the unorganized sector of Indian money market tend to charge exhorbitant rates of interest on their loans, and have long stood in the way of the economic progress of the Country. Moreover it is contended that they have further complicated and compounded the problems of their usually impoverished borrowers. However, this extremely one-sided view seems to overlook their real contribution to Indian banking needs and the important role they play in financing the internal trade of the Country. They provide credit facilities to those who can provide no tangible security and thus finance many undertakings which could not otherwise be carried out. The so called organized sector of the Indian money market consists of: i) a substantial number of privately owned Joint Stock banks incorporated under Indian laws and manned primarily by Indian nationals; ii) a number of branches of foreign banks popularly known as Exchange Banks which are managed almost entirely by foreigners; iii) a State sponsored System of Cooperative and Land Mortgage banks designed ultimately to support the Indigenous bankers and money lenders; iv) a rather unique postal savings system which provides savings facilities to the lower income group of the Indian population and channel these savings into productive enterprises through the purchase of Government securities; v) the now publicly owned State Bank of India which even as a foreign owned and operated institution, serving an immense private banking clientele, functioned for many years as a semi-central bank of India, and still retains many of its central banking functions; and finally, vi) the recently established and now nationalized Reserve Bank of India around which have been arranged a number of public and semi-public financial institutions which in one way or another are designed to help fulfil the twin goals of the National Government - i.e., a modern self-sustaining industrial economy based on a socialistic pattern. In addition to the Reserve Bank itself the latter group includes among others the aforementioned State Bank of India, the Industrial Finance Corporation, the National Industrial Development Corporation and the Life Insurance Corporation of India. The latter has been given a monopoly of all life insurance business within India and thus collects and makes available to the Government a large part of the voluntary savings of the Indian people. The author's task in this thesis is a large yet unpretentious one. By tracing the growth and development of each of the above classes of institutions he has sought to bring before a Western audience not only the nature of the banking structure and banking practices in India but the related problems still to be solved if the Country is to achieve the ultimate goal of a higher standard of living in a self sustaining and dynamic economy. Each of the several classes of banks has been analysed with a view to establish its past contribution to the development of India and the role it is designed to play for the future growth of Indian economy. Most of the Country's financial planning and planning instrumentalities originate in the joint action of the Government and the Reserve Bank with the latter in the role of a consultant advisor and finally that of a servant to carry out the planned programme. In an overall sense the expanding role of the Reserve Bank provides the most revealing part of this thesis. This institution has developed into a strong, all embracing central bank employing the most modern credit control and direction measures. The bank has used these measures not only to check any undue increase in bank credit but to channel it into various planned productive enterprises. Moreover it functions as a regulatory authority over all public and private, scheduled and non-scheduled banking institutions. In this capacity the Bank has strengthened the Indian banking structure by encouraging and insisting on the consolidation of small banks and has improved their operations by a system of regular inspections. Its achievements since its nationalization both in the field of monetary management and the development of a sound and efficient banking system provide a new chapter in the history of Central banks. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Since India became independent in August, 1947, the Indian government has pursued a 'neutralist' policy in world affairs which has raised some doubts and difficulties, more particularly in the Western non-communist camp. India's foreign policy, both generally and in its various manifestations, has been frequently subject to bitter criticism and has even been condemned as immoral and motivated by a pro-Communist bias. Such an analysis is, of course, entirely out of focus. It is hoped that this thesis will help dispel some of the doubts and clear away some of the misinterpretations concerning the policies that the Indian government has pursued on the world stage. Various aspects of Indian foreign policy have been discussed by a number of writers both in general and in specific degrees; however, to this writer's knowledge, no one has attempted to view India's foreign policy in the manner treated in this thesis. Within the limits placed by the proximity to the events discussed, this study tries to survey objectively India's foreign policy in the cold war. Throughout this study India's foreign policy has been discussed in its various manifestations. A country's foreign policy naturally derives from a complex set of historical, geographic, economic and emotional factors, and thus the context within which Indian foreign policy was formulated and the determinants upon which it is based are examined in the first Chapter. Then in Chapter Two, which describes India's approach to the problem of security, are discussed the various efforts made by the Indian government to satisfy, within the bounds permitted by the country's resources, the strategic requirements of the State. Recognizing that India's real security depends on removing tension from the world, however, India has sought the removal of Western controls over dependent Afro-Asian peoples as a concrete step towards peace. The third Chapter discusses this, from India's initial out-spoken championship of the cause of dependent peoples to a more recent moderate approach caused by a realization that Western imperialism is a 'dead issue' and that Communist imperialism is the greater threat. In recognition that the division of the world into power blocs increases the chances of war, the Indian government has striven to ease tension through furthering the ideals of the United Nations Charter, as illustrated in Chapter Four by her opposition to power blocs and to alliances, her advocacy of disarmament, and her championship of Red China's right to a seat at the United Nations. Aware of the delicate peace existing between East and West and realizing that a world war could result from any dispute involving the rival interests of the two power blocs, India has sought to prevent such an occurrence through dealing with each issue on its intrinsic merits. India also understands that the only alternative to coexistence is co-destruction, and she has sought to instill this realization in both the Communist and non-Communist camps. These two aspects of Indian foreign policy are discussed in Chapters Five and Six. Finally, a brief attempt is made to summarize India's foreign policy and to arrive at some general conclusions. I gratefully acknowledge the constant advice and guidance of Dr. P. Harnetty whose constructive suggestions facilitated the writing of this paper. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

As soon as India attained freedom in 1947, the fundamental problem facing her was internal and not external. Naturally, the Indian leaders were concerned more about her domestic problems than foreign. The communal disturbances which immediately followed the partition of the country, made it difficult for the Government to maintain law and order in certain parts. Moreover, the economic situation went from bad to worse after independence. Free India had to tackle the tremendous problem of providing her vast population with the necessities of life, like food, clothing and housing. The Government of India was fully aware of these difficulties and the economic weakness of the country. It was under these circumstances that the leaders of free India had to determine the objectives of India's foreign policy. The difficult situation at home and the desirability of obtaining economic and technical assistance from abroad, made the pursuit of peace one of the great objectives of India's foreign policy. Other objectives were to work for the ending of colonialism and Imperialism throughout the world and the elimination of racial discrimination. In order to carry out these objectives successfully, the statesmen of India felt that they must give full support to the United Nations and follow an independent foreign policy. But India decided to continue her historical connections with the Commonwealth of Nations because she owed common allegiance to a particular way of life and ideal of State and Government. With regard to her policies in the Far East, India developed friendly relations with Communist China. She was one of the first countries who recognised the People's Republic of China. Although these friendly relations were disturbed in 1950 over Tibet, India continued to press for the representation of Communist China in the U.N. Nevertheless, she seems to be aware of the principal potential threat of this large neighbour to her security. For this reason, and others, India wishes to see Japan a strong sovereign state in Asia. In the case of Korean problem, India supported the U.N. action branding the North Koreans as aggressors, but she could not send any economic and military support. However an ambulance and surgical unit was sent to join the U.N. forces. As soon as the United Nations forces pushed the aggressor back across the 38th Parallel, the issue, according to Indian leaders, was no more an issue of resistance to aggression. From this time on India was reluctant to support any such action of U.N. which might prolong and extend the conflict. At the same time she began to work for some kind of peaceful solution of the Korean situation. Although she could not succeed in obtaining her objective completely, negotiations between the parties in dispute did begin which brightened the prospects for peace. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study was conducted in order to understand the present system of teacher education in India, and to find ways and means to improve it. It has been shown that two great traditions have combined in the area of teacher education in India. To begin with, there are pre-British traditions where teaching was linked with religion. Then, secondly, there were the contributions of the British period which altogether changed the character of teaching, the medium of instruction being secular rather than religious. It was also shown that in the pre-British period there were no systematic training institutions in the present-day sense, and the system of teacher training was British inspired. The foremost problem at present is teacher recruitment; a problem of enormous urgency and difficulty. Some Indian educational leaders are thinking about some sort of conscription, while others favour voluntary recruitment. This study favoured the latter course. After recruitment, the other most important problem is the present system of teacher training which required certain changes and readjustments to fit in with the new and changing conditions in India. It was thought that the formal curriculum of the training colleges should be displaced by training aimed at personal as well as professional development of the teacher as a citizen. It was indicated that the present system should be changed to suit the teachers of the Basic Education schools, and certain ways were suggested to improve the practice of teaching. Furthermore it was found that the present training period is too short and should be extended. The study also indicated that the present system of teacher training is far from being satisfactory. The remedy proposed is not only to improve it from within in the light of Indian conditions, but also to improve upon it by incorporating some of the practices used in other countries. It was therefore proposed that introductory courses in the evaluation and testing of pupils should be started in training colleges, and the suggestion was made that a general program of guidance should be started in the training colleges. Educational research should be encouraged, and in-service training of teachers should receive proper attention. The system of summer schools and the idea of educational workshops should be put into practice, and finally it was suggested that a broad education should be made the basis of specialization and in this way narrow specialization would be avoided. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

The Marquis of Hastings’s decision in 1818 to repeal the censorship of Calcutta’s presses led many to believe the Governor General had inaugurated press freedom in Bengal, the political and intellectual centre of Britain’s Eastern Empire. With the steady inflow of non-Company merchants to India following the Charter Act of 1813, the East India Company was faced with the challenge of defending its remaining privileges, while simultaneously consolidating its newly acquired territories and developing enduring structures of governance. Building upon the work of Peter Marshall and Christopher Bayly, this thesis concentrates on the press debates of the early 1820s in order to highlight the Company’s role in preventing the emergence of an Anglo-Indian public sphere in Calcutta. Drawing on the experiences of Mirza Abu Taleb, James Silk Buckingham, and Rammohun Roy, this thesis also demonstrates the essentially transnational influences that informed these debates, while focusing on the interaction between Britons, Indians, and the Company’s military officers in Buckingham’s Calcutta Journal. It argues that despite the respective political ideologies of government officials, it was, in fact, primarily pragmatism that informed policy regarding free expression through print. In the wake of the Napoleonic and Revolutionary Wars, administrators worked to isolate and silence dissenting voices to prevent the outbreak of rebellion or independence movements, and the increasing engagement between Indians, Britons, and members of the Army proved too great a threat to Company-rule.