京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地球環境学) / 甲第21241号 / 地環博第177号 / 新制||地環||35(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院地球環境学舎地球環境学専攻 / (主査)教授 清野 純史, 准教授 小林 広英, 准教授 古川 愛子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Global Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

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京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(理学) / 甲第23455号 / 理博第4749号 / 新制||理||1681(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院理学研究科地球惑星科学専攻 / (主査)准教授 成瀬 元 助教 松岡 廣繁, 教授 生形 貴男 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

This study brings excerpts from the Acts of Thomas (Act 1.11-16 and Act 3.30-33) together with two Buddhist jātakas (Udaya Jātaka - #458 and Visavanta Jātaka -#69) to consider how stories might have been transmitted in the early centuries of the common era in a milieu of mercantile exchange on the Indian Ocean. The Acts of Thomas is a 3rd century CE Syriac Christian text concerned with the apostle Thomas proselytizing in India. The jātakas are popular didactic narratives with a pronounced oral dimension that purport to be accounts of the Buddha’s previous lives. Syriac Christians possessed knowledge about Indian religious practices linked to renunciation, and it is plausible that they adapted Buddhist jātakas to convey Christian ideas in the account of Thomas journeying to India and converting people there. Epigraphic evidence from the western Deccan in India attests to yavana, or Greek, patronage of Buddhist institutions in cosmopolitan settings where ideas and commodities circulated. Against the grain in scholarship on early Christianity that tends to privilege Latin and Greek sources, this project moves the lens of analysis eastward to consider Indian influence on early Christianity as expressed in the Acts of Thomas. A literary comparison of the texts under consideration with reference to the historical and cultural context of exchange reveals similar models of renunciant practices in Buddhism and Christianity that establishes new grounds for consideration of interconnectivity across ‘East’ and ‘West.’ / Religion

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Earth and Planetary Sciences, 1979. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Science. / Vita. / Includes bibliographies. / by Christopher Robert Tapscott. / Ph.D.

Thesis. 1977. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Earth and Planetary Sciences. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Science. / Vita. / Bibliography : leaves 223-233. / Ph.D.

Recent concern over the effects of ocean acidification upon calcifying organisms in the modern ocean has highlighted the aragonitic shelled thecosomatous pteropods as being at a high risk. Laboratory studies have shown that increased pCO2, leading to decreased pH and low carbonate concentrations, has a negative impact on the ability of pteropods to calcify and maintain their shells. This study presents the micropalaeontological analysis of marine cores from the Caribbean Sea, Mediterranean Sea and Indian Ocean. Pteropods, heteropods and planktic foraminifera were picked from samples to provide palaeoenvironmental data for each core. Determination of pteropod calcification was made using the Limacina Dissolution Index (LDX) and the average shell size of Limacina inflata specimens. Pteropod calcification indices were compared to global ice volume and Vostok atmospheric CO2 concentrations to determine any associations between climate and calcification. Results show that changes in surface ocean carbonate concentrations throughout the Late Pleistocene did affect the calcification of thecosomatous pteropods. These effects can be detected in shells from marine sediments that are located well above the aragonite lysocline and have not undergone post-depositional dissolution. The results of this study confirm the findings of laboratory studies, showing a decrease in calcification during interglacial periods, when surface ocean carbonate concentrations were lower. During glacial periods, calcification was enhanced due to the increased availability of carbonate. This trend was found in all sediments studied, indicating that the response of pteropods to past climate change is of global significance. These results demonstrate that pteropods have been negatively affected by oceanic pH levels relatively higher and changing at a lesser rate than those predicted for the 21st Century. Results also establish the use of pteropods and heteropods in reconstructing surface ocean conditions. The LDX is a fast and appropriate way of determining variations in surface water carbonate saturation. Abundances of key species were also found to constrain palaeotemperatures better than planktic foraminifera, a use which could be further developed.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar a História Política do reino Monomotapa, na África austral, em sua relação com os agentes portugueses e luso-africanos estabelecidos no vale e no planalto do Zambeze no século XVII. A partir da última década do século anterior, sucessivos mutapa solicitaram apoio militar tanto à Coroa ibérica quanto a seus súditos que, instalados em terras africanas, arregimentaram e controlavam poderosos exércitos privados, compostos por homens escravizados. Em 1628, o assassinato de um embaixador português enviado à corte do mutapa Nyambo Kapararidze (c.1623-1629), seguido de um embargo comercial no decorrer do qual muitos comerciantes lusos foram atacados e mortos, precipitou um confronto armado entre portugueses e o Estado shona, que se prolongou até o ano de 1632. No centro deste conflito, uma luta pela sucessão dinástica: de um lado aquele que pode ser considerado o legítimo herdeiro do trono, de acordo com o direito costumeiro, Mhande Mavura; de outro, Nyambo Kapararidze, filho do mutapa anterior, Gatse Rucere, que ocupava o trono desde 1623. Mavura derrotou Kapararidze e, em troca do apoio das forças portuguesas, assinou um tratado diplomático com Filipe III, por cujos termos ele passaria a pagar um tributo anual em ouro ao rei ibérico, franquearia aos portugueses o trânsito, o comércio e a exploração das eventuais minas encontradas em seu território, aceitaria a presença permanente de um capitão português em sua corte e permitiria a construção de igrejas católicas de qualquer ordem em suas terras, entre outras concessões. Na visão de alguns historiadores, a assinatura deste tratado representa a conquista portuguesa do território do planalto. Mavura é considerado o fundador de um período de mutapas marionetes monarcas sem personalidade política que, embora oficialmente mantivessem o título dinástico e controle de um território paulatinamente reduzido, atuariam a serviço 10 dos interesses econômicos e políticos alheios ao reino, até a queda do último mutapa, em 1902. Em 1693, contudo, um ataque aos comerciantes estabelecidos na feira de Dambarare, orquestrado pelo mutapa Nyakunembire (1692-1694), pôs fim às pretensões lusitanas de controle do território do planalto. Objeto do presente trabalho, a sublevação deu início a um curto, porém intenso período de agressões que logrou expulsar definitivamente todos os comerciantes portugueses e luso-africanos estabelecidos nas feiras do planalto. Com base em uma cuidadosa releitura das fontes escritas portuguesas, este trabalho funda-se na hipótese de que a assinatura do Tratado de 1629 não inaugurou um período de mutapas marionetes, uma vez que a Coroa portuguesa nunca logrou estabelecer-se formalmente na região, e que a Revolta de 1693-95 foi uma resposta das sociedades do planalto à desestruturação política e social provocada por agentes lusitanos que, agindo à revelia das autoridades portuguesas, perseguiam interesses privados. / This work aims to investigate the Political History of the Monomotapa kingdom in Southern Africa in its relationship with the Portuguese and Luso-African agents established in the valley and plateau of the Zambezi in the 17th century. From the last decade of the previous century, successive mutapa requested military support both to the Iberian Crown and to its subjects who, settled in African lands, regrouped and controlled powerful private armies, made up by enslaved men. In 1628, the Portuguese ambassador\'s murder sent to the court of the mutapa Nyambo Kapararidze (c.1623-1629), followed by a commercial embargo in the course of which many Portuguese merchants were attacked and killed, precipitated an armed confrontation between the Portuguese and the Shona State, which lasted until the year of 1632. At the centre of this conflict was a struggle for dynastic succession: on the one hand, one who can be considered the \"legitimate\" heir to the throne, according to customary law, Mhande Mavura; on the other, Nyambo Kapararidze, son of the previous mutapa, Gatse Rucere, who occupied the throne from 1623. Mavura defeated Kapararidze and, in exchange for the support of the Portuguese forces, signed a diplomatic treaty with Philip III, under whose terms he would pay an annual gold tribute to the Iberian king, granting the Portuguese the transit, the trade and the exploitation of eventual mines found in its territory, he also would accept the permanent presence of a Portuguese captain in his court and allow the construction of Catholic churches of any order in his lands, among other concessions. In the opinion of some historians, the signature of this treaty represents the Portuguese conquest of the territory of the plateau. Mavura is considered the founder of a period of \'puppets mutapas\' monarchs without 12 political personality who, although they officially maintained the dynastic title and the control of a territory gradually reduced, would act to the service of economic and political interests unrelated to the kingdom, until the fall of the last mutapa, in 1902. In 1693, however, an attack on merchants established at the Dambarare fair, orchestrated by the Nyakunembire mutapa (1692-1694), put an end to the Lusitanian claims to control the plateau territory. Object of the present work, the uprising started a short but intense period of aggression that managed to definitively expel all the Portuguese and Luso-African traders established in the fairs of the plateau. Based on a careful re-reading of Portuguese written sources, this work is based on the hypothesis that the signing of the Treaty of 1629 did not inaugurate a period of \' puppets mutapas\', since the Portuguese Crown was never able to establish itself formally in the region, and that the Revolt of 1693-95 was a response from the plateau societies to the political and social disruption provoked by Lusitanian agents who, acting in the absence of the Portuguese authorities, pursued private interests.