A return to the principles of globalism, strong anticommunism, and containment does not appear to be in the best interests of the United States at the present time. The priorities of this administration, a resolve to reassert American global leadership, protect interests worldwide, and contain the Soviet Union are predicated on principles of hegemony and preponderance that were short-lived and are now long gone. The United States is no longer the only viable political and economic leader as once was the case. Through the post-war reconstruction and revitalization engineered by the United States, Japan, West Germany, South Korea as well as many other nations have become economic rivals if not superiors (as is the case with Japan in many sectors). Yet, the defense policies of the Reagan administration take into account neither the diminished ability of the United States to enforce order in the world system, as evinced in an independent European Community and the existence of OPEC, nor the reluctance of the members of the system itself to continue as pawns in a"'grand strategy"' of a U.S.-dominated world order. The present decentralized structure of power and the beneficial relationships this structure now holds for previously subserviant nations who now need not rely on the United States as"'world benefactor"' are factors that mitigate the impact of U.S. leadership. / M.A.

The purpose of this study is to investigate long-term trends in the union membership of South Africa and Germany, and to highlight trends in unionisation in both of these countries over a period of time. The long-term aspect of this study differentiates it from more detailed specific studies concerned with the individual fortunes of confederations or unions. The changing fortunes of trade unions have been associated with changes in work organisation, the influence of institutional pressures, or long term changes in the economic cycle. All these factors may, of course, shape and be shaped by each other. From a comparative perspective this dissertation determines whether the fortunes of unions are ultimately a product of the long waves of an economic cycle, or if other factors, such as variations in union/state relations, changes in the forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market, impact upon union membership and mobilisation. It is hoped that the comparison of a transitional and an advanced economy may shed new light on the causes of union growth and decline, and the impact of specific social, legal and cultural variables thereon. The theoretical frame of reference for this study emerged from literature pertaining to union growth and decline. This literature discusses the historical, economic and sectoral challenges that confront the identity of unions and their ability to mobilise membership within contemporary labour markets. The entire study relies heavily on primary data collected from a wide range of sources in both countries. This method facilitates the comparison and cross-checking of information, which ensures a full and balanced study. A synthesis of the facts obtained led to certain suggestions relating to the areas in which both South African and German labour organisations could adapt their agenda and interests to the changing nature of the employment market in order to avert membership decline. The methodology of this research draws from Skopol’s work which argues that social studies ought to be grounded in historical experience in order to make sense out of specific social events that occur today. The research design utilises an initial comparative historical-political analysis of the emergence of unionism in South Africa and Germany, so as to establish those factors which have, in the past, affected union growth and decline in both countries. Thereafter, the impact of contemporary economic and sectoral trends that reoccur in the South African and German labour markets are examined and compared, in order to establish their influence on the growth or decline of union membership in both countries in the future. This study consists of four sections. The first section comprises a historical dimension that uses Valenzuela’s work relating to the political nature of labour movements to establish those factors which, in the past, have affected union growth and decline. This is done to determine whether the type of insertion of labour movements into historical national political processes, and the links formed between trade unions and political parties influences membership growth or decline. The following three sections deal with the present challenges that may affect the unions in the future. Section Two deals with factors of economic recession (namely, poverty and unemployment) which confront trade unions in the 1990s. Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation is applied to determine if recessive socio-economic factors can account for the strength of decline of unions, as opposed to union mobilisation being purely linked to transitions between long waves of the economy as Kelly suggests. The relevance of these theories to the rise and decline of unionism in South Africa and Germany is compared and contrasted. The third section determines whether changes to more flexible forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market can account for the contrasting strength of the South African labour movement and the decline of the German labour movement today. The way in which these issues impact negatively upon union strength in South Africa and Germany in the 1990s is compared and contrasted, again using Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation. The final section establishes whether or not the roles adopted by the South African and German labour movements during their confrontation with labour repressive regimes impacts upon their ability to attract union membership today, despite the constraints imposed upon unions by prevailing economic and structural uncertainties. Therefore the historicity of the South African and German labour movements, (based upon the findings of the first part of this study), is referred back to. At the same time, the reactions of the South African and German labour movements to prevailing economic and structural realities, (as examined in the second part of this research) are re-examined. Three conclusions are reached. Firstly, regardless of their strengths or weaknesses, all labour organisations are capable of adjusting to the adverse changes taking place in contemporary employment markets if they prove willing to advance and defend the interests of all who work, including those in the informal sector. If unions continue to neglect the informal labour market, they run the risk of being transposed by social movements that are antagonistic to trade unions or new expressions of the workforce’s latent collectivism. Secondly, in successfully playing a social movement role that led to the downfall of Apartheid in 1994, the South African labour movement has evolved as an energetic body with a dimension of recumbent militancy that attempts to adapt its identity to the changing nature of the employment market. This enables the South African labour movement to continue to attract membership despite the prevailing economic uncertainties. In contrast, forced co-operation and consensus within the German industrial relations arena since World War Two has resulted in a less dynamic union movement that lacks initiative in adapting to the changing nature of the employment market. The result is a decline in unionism. Finally, the fortunes of unions are not, as Kelly suggests, purely a product of economic cycles. Political climates can also influence mobilisation, as has occurred in both South Africa and Germany. This implies that mobilisation is not only activated by the economic dissatisfaction of a union movement.

The author's Habilitationsschrift--Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen, 1981. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 461-[470]) and index.

Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, les industries de la laine et du coton se retrouvent entraînées dans la mobilisation industrielle. L’intervention de l’État dans ces branches se révèle indispensable, et une nouvelle relation s’établit entre la puissance publique et les entreprises. La modification de la teinte de l’uniforme, sa large diffusion à près de huit millions d’appelés sur quatre ans et la perte des bassins industriels du Nord et de l’Est conduisent à la mise sous contrôle de l’État de presque toute l’industrie lainière, tandis que l’industrie cotonnière reste indépendante jusqu’en 1917. Cette relation s’étend jusque dans les importations de matières premières, avec une centralisation progressive qui exclut le commerce privé, mais associe négociants et industriels. En outre, la gestion de la main-d’œuvre constitue un défi quotidien pour les entreprises. Le besoin de travailleurs reste important, et les difficultés liées aux conditions de travail et au renchérissement de la vie entraînent des tensions sociales, malgré l’Union sacrée observée par les organisations syndicales. Dans le même temps, la perte des principaux territoires industriels représente une aubaine pour les autres régions, dont celles dont l’industrie textile est sur le déclin avant la guerre. Les fortes demandes de l’armée et les hauts prix du commerce privé entraînent des bénéfices importants, et conduisent l’État à adopter une fiscalité de guerre et réprimer les abus. Le retour des industries sinistrées à la fin du conflit, la question des dommages de guerre et la réintégration de l’Alsace-Lorraine mettent les industries textiles face à des changements radicaux. / During the World War I, the industries of the wool and the cotton find themselves pulled(entailed) in the industrial mobilization. The intervention of the State in these branches shows itself essential, and a new relation becomes established between the public authorities and the companies. The modification of the colour of the uniform, its wide distribution about eight million conscripts over four years and the loss of the industrial areas of the North and east lead to the putting under control of the State of almost all the wool trade, whereas the cotton industry remains independent until 1917. This relation extends to the imports of raw materials, with a progressive centralization which excludes any private business(trade), but associates traders and industrialists. Besides, the management of the workforce constitutes a daily challenge for companies. The need in workforce remains important, and the difficulties bound in working conditions and to the increased cost living trigger social tensions, in spite of the “Union sacrée” respected by labor unions. At the same time, the loss of the main industrial territories represents a chance of a lifetime for the other regions, among which those whose textile industry is on the decline before the war. The high demands of the army and the high prices of private trade yeld important profits, and lead the State to adopt a war tax system and to repress the abuses. The return of the stricken industries at the end the conflict, the question of war damage and reinstatement of Alsace-Lorraine put the textile industries in the face of radical changes.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Conventional interpretations of WWII hold that the war brought the United States out of the Great Depression and laid the path for future economic prosperity. However, this was not the case for all businesses and industries. During WWII, unprecedented production output was required of U.S. industries to supply the great “Arsenal of Democracy.” Industrial mobilization required the creation of new agencies and commissions to manage the nation’s resources. These organizations created policies that deeply impacted U.S. industries involved in war production. Policies governing such areas as the allocation of raw materials, transportation of finished goods, and distribution of war contracts created challenges for businesses that often resulted in lost productivity and in some cases, loss of profitability. Government regulation of the labor force and labor problems such as labor shortages, high absenteeism and turnover rates, and labor disputes presented further challenges for businesses navigating the wartime economy. Most studies of WWII industrial mobilization have focused on large corporations in high priority industries, such as the aircraft, petroleum, or steel industries, which achieved great success during the war. This thesis presents a case study of The Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana, a company that is representative of small and mid-sized companies that produced lower priority goods. The study demonstrates that the policies created by the military and civilian wartime agencies favored large corporations and had a negative affect on some businesses like Real Silk. As such,the economic boost associated with the war did not occur across the board.