Faculty of Humaninties And Social Sciences School of Social Sciences 0003962g anele30@hotmail.com / This research report covers the progress of local economic development in Alexandra under the Alexandra Renewal Project and what the government has done (or is doing) to assist women street traders. It begins by looking back at the history of development in Alexandra, followed by an overview of Urban Renewal Programme which guides the Alexandra Renewal Project whose LED components forms a crucial part of this report. The report reviews the literature on the informal sector and the policy that guides the development and promotion of the sector in South Africa. After reviewing literature on the informal sector, the report turns to local economic development literature, arguing for a more ‘developmental” role that the government should take towards LED initiatives in the country. The research findings that follow provide my opinions and those of different stakeholders involved in the LED initiatives and those that are affected by the initiatives, mainly women street traders in Alexandra.

This thesis analyzes if there, given the size of the informal sector, is an effect of corruption on income inequality, here defined as the Palma ratio. Estimations are done with a fixed effects ordinary least squares regression using panel data for 19 federal states of Brazil over every other year between 2006-2014. The results provide evidence that corruption increases income inequality when the informal sector is smaller than 37.97%, but decreases inequality when the informal sector exceeds 55.34%. The findings are robust to several sensitivity checks. The gained insight of the relationship between corruption and income inequalityusing a microeconomic perspective is the main academic contribution of this thesis.

Eu égard les ressources financières conséquentes qu’elle mobilise, la protection sociale exerce une influence sur l’économie et sur les hommes. Son efficacité suscite de multiples débats, alimentés par le ralentissement économique, opposant partisans d’un libéralisme accru et défenseurs de davantage de justice sociale. Pour les premiers, le coût des dépenses sociales et leurs effets d’aubaine constituent un frein pour l’économie alors les seconds assimilent son apport à un levier indispensable au développement du capital humain. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer que les performances économiques et politiques sociales peuvent et doivent poursuivre des objectifs communs afin que le développement économique se traduise par le développement humain. Elle s’organise en deux parties comportant chacune trois chapitres. Dans un premier temps, suite à une démonstration mettant en exergue la forte corrélation entre niveau de développement économique et qualité des ressources humaines,seront mis en évidence deux positionnements contradictoires à propos de l’apport de la protection sociale sur l’économie et sur les hommes. A l’instar des autres pays en développement, au Sénégal, le secteur informel, représentant le poumon de l’économie malgré une faible productivité, est dépourvu de toute forme de couverture sociale moderne. Aboutissant à la conclusion que certaines composantes de la protection sociale, telle que l’assurance maladie, peuvent améliorer l’efficacité du capital humain, nous esquissons un schéma de couverture médicale applicable au secteur informel au Sénégal dans le cadre d’une assurance maladie obligatoire. / Considering the substantial financial resources that social protection mobilizes, it exerts influences on the economy and population. Many debates are raised about its effectiveness, and these debates are sustained by the economic slowdown, that opposes supporters of an increased liberalism and those who are for some more social justice. For the former, the social spending cost and stroke of luck act as a brake on the economy while the latter compare its contribution to an essential lever for the development of human capital. This thesis tries to demonstrate that economic performance and social policies can and should pursue common goals, so that economic development should result in human development. It is divided into two parts, with three chapters in each. Firstly, two conflicting positions about the contribution of social protection on the economy and population will be brought out following a demonstration which underlines the strong correlation between the level of economic development and quality of human resources. Like the other developing countries,in Senegal the informal sector, which represents the hub of the economy, despite its low productivity, has no form of modern social coverage. Coming to the conclusion that some components of social protection, such as health insurance, can improve the effectiveness of human capital, we outline a scheme of medical coverage which can be applied to the informal sector in Senegal through compulsory health insurance.

This thesis reviews theoretical and local understandings of sustainability and examines the contributions which the NGO, the Toledo Institute for Development and Environment (TIDE), makes to achieving sustainability in the district of Toledo in Belize, Central America. The study focuses mainly on the Port Honduras Marine Reserve, which TIDE manages in cooperation with the Toledo Fisheries Department. Three sets of theories provide the context: theories of sustainability and sustainable development in general, theories on marine protected areas and fisheries management, and theories on NGOs. Findings show that TIDE has a vague understanding of sustainability and that there is a contradiction between the mission statement which promises a balance between environmental protection and stakeholders' economic needs, and TIDE' s actual strategies for encouraging protection for the Port Honduras Marine Reserve. In addition, TIDE's dysfunctional internal management style, such as lack of communication between the management and staff, spontaneous planning, and frequent staff turn-over prevent the organization from functioning effectively and realizing its goals. TIDE’s approach to sustainability is ineffective because it fails to integrate emic perspectives. TIDE does not take into account that local residents have an their own perspectives on sustainability, which include the fishermen's sense of stewardship for the marine environment. TIDE also does not successfully ensuring a steady income for the fishermen effectively. In light of the theories on sustainability, findings show that most theories are developed in a top-down manner that fail to integrate local understandings of sustainability. The only possible exception are holistic theories that emphasize bottom-up participation. The main recommendation for TIDE and similar NGOs is to develop a holistic approach to sustainability that includes emic perspectives. Consideration of the environment, the consideration of stakeholders' economic needs, the socio-cultural context, and an administrative political framework and a functional internal management style all need to be integrated into a successful approach to sustainability. / Graduation date: 2001 / Best scan available for figures 2-3.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

No description available.

The history of alcohol in South Africa forms a fundamental part of the history of apartheid and isolation. Conflict has long surrounded the production, distribution and use of alcohol and this continues even today, although in traditional African society the use of alcoholic beverages was well regulated. Drinking served a communal and ceremonial purpose. After colonisation, the British in vain prohibited the use of alcohol by Africans in an attempt to prevent what they saw as the social decay and disorder encouraged by its use. Laws were passed to make it illegal for black Africans to produce and obtain liquor. Only in 1962 was it made legal for black people to purchase alcohol from white liquor outlets. In the townships municipal beer halls were established by local authorities to help finance township development and control. Many people turned to illegal liquor-related activities, both brewing traditional African beer and setting up illegal outlets (called shebeens) where liquor was sold for on-site or off-site consumption purposes. Most shebeens are part of or attached to residential premises. For some, setting up a shebeen was a move of rebelliousness against the policies of the apartheid government that restricted business opportunities to a particular segment of society. For others it was a way of making an adequate living and a means of providing recreational facilities in townships. The establishment of shebeens was also a natural response to a situation in which there were 15 times as many legal liquor outlets per unit of population in former white suburbs than in suburbs in which persons of other races resided. The shebeen problem is an inheritance of our apartheid past and cannot be allowed to linger on indefinitely. Formalisation of this activity will lead to better services and increased competitiveness in the industry and will marginalise unlicensed traders who have no intention of complying with the law. It is therefore clear that the current deadlock can only be addressed through the transformation of unlicensed businesses into formal businesses. The Government recognises the diverse nature of the liquor industry in the provinces and values the importance of its diverse aspects as a contributor to the economy of South Africa. The first objective of the Liquor Act is to make it possible for bona fide unlicensed traders in the historically disadvantaged communities to legitimise their businesses without encountering unnecessary barriers to entry but, also, to create an environment that will encourage them to do so. It is however a reality that the existing situation the unlicensed trader finds him or herself in provides little incentive to enter into the legal trade and such a person is not aware of possible economic factors impacting on this business after formalisation. In the West Rand an extremely small percentage of outlets in the historically disadvantaged townships are licensed. There are however factors that influence the shebeens' move from unlicensed to licensed businesses. The government has certain objectives and the new environment can be painted to describe new areas of impact on shebeens, such as legislative compliance, complexity of the application and approval process and restrictions, and a shortage of resources to assist the process. A lack of resources limits the ability of the law enforcement agencies to act in a consistent manner against unlicensed sellers of liquor. Operations by law enforcement agencies are irregular and depend to a large extent on the analysis of the crime threat that a particular unlicensed establishment presents to the area and their priorities regarding the allocation of resources. The unlicensed sale of liquor continues largely unabated and with little fear of consequences. The unlicensed trader, unlike his or her licensed counterpart, does not form part of the tax network. The unlicensed trader falls outside the regulatory network as far as land use requirements, trading hours and restrictions are concerned. The limited availability of resources prevents the allocation of financial incentives that in any event cannot compete with the aforesaid sustained trading advantages that the unlicensed trade provides. Providing an enabling environment for the emerging traders is an issue partly determined by the municipal planning authorities. A dilemma that is facing planning and licensing authorities encompasses the divergent interests of the currently unlicensed shebeens in residential areas and the interests of the surrounding residents. The involvement of communities determines the location of licensed liquor outlets. Factors affecting their impact include direct dealing with suppliers, people management (labour law), commercial competencies and business compliances such as tax, value added tax, stock management and community complaints. This research will look at the business environment and all aspects impacting the process and playing field in becoming formalised. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

The history of alcohol in South Africa forms a fundamental part of the history of apartheid and isolation. Conflict has long surrounded the production, distribution and use of alcohol and this continues even today, although in traditional African society the use of alcoholic beverages was well regulated. Drinking served a communal and ceremonial purpose. After colonisation, the British in vain prohibited the use of alcohol by Africans in an attempt to prevent what they saw as the social decay and disorder encouraged by its use. Laws were passed to make it illegal for black Africans to produce and obtain liquor. Only in 1962 was it made legal for black people to purchase alcohol from white liquor outlets. In the townships municipal beer halls were established by local authorities to help finance township development and control. Many people turned to illegal liquor-related activities, both brewing traditional African beer and setting up illegal outlets (called shebeens) where liquor was sold for on-site or off-site consumption purposes. Most shebeens are part of or attached to residential premises. For some, setting up a shebeen was a move of rebelliousness against the policies of the apartheid government that restricted business opportunities to a particular segment of society. For others it was a way of making an adequate living and a means of providing recreational facilities in townships. The establishment of shebeens was also a natural response to a situation in which there were 15 times as many legal liquor outlets per unit of population in former white suburbs than in suburbs in which persons of other races resided. The shebeen problem is an inheritance of our apartheid past and cannot be allowed to linger on indefinitely. Formalisation of this activity will lead to better services and increased competitiveness in the industry and will marginalise unlicensed traders who have no intention of complying with the law. It is therefore clear that the current deadlock can only be addressed through the transformation of unlicensed businesses into formal businesses. The Government recognises the diverse nature of the liquor industry in the provinces and values the importance of its diverse aspects as a contributor to the economy of South Africa. The first objective of the Liquor Act is to make it possible for bona fide unlicensed traders in the historically disadvantaged communities to legitimise their businesses without encountering unnecessary barriers to entry but, also, to create an environment that will encourage them to do so. It is however a reality that the existing situation the unlicensed trader finds him or herself in provides little incentive to enter into the legal trade and such a person is not aware of possible economic factors impacting on this business after formalisation. In the West Rand an extremely small percentage of outlets in the historically disadvantaged townships are licensed. There are however factors that influence the shebeens' move from unlicensed to licensed businesses. The government has certain objectives and the new environment can be painted to describe new areas of impact on shebeens, such as legislative compliance, complexity of the application and approval process and restrictions, and a shortage of resources to assist the process. A lack of resources limits the ability of the law enforcement agencies to act in a consistent manner against unlicensed sellers of liquor. Operations by law enforcement agencies are irregular and depend to a large extent on the analysis of the crime threat that a particular unlicensed establishment presents to the area and their priorities regarding the allocation of resources. The unlicensed sale of liquor continues largely unabated and with little fear of consequences. The unlicensed trader, unlike his or her licensed counterpart, does not form part of the tax network. The unlicensed trader falls outside the regulatory network as far as land use requirements, trading hours and restrictions are concerned. The limited availability of resources prevents the allocation of financial incentives that in any event cannot compete with the aforesaid sustained trading advantages that the unlicensed trade provides. Providing an enabling environment for the emerging traders is an issue partly determined by the municipal planning authorities. A dilemma that is facing planning and licensing authorities encompasses the divergent interests of the currently unlicensed shebeens in residential areas and the interests of the surrounding residents. The involvement of communities determines the location of licensed liquor outlets. Factors affecting their impact include direct dealing with suppliers, people management (labour law), commercial competencies and business compliances such as tax, value added tax, stock management and community complaints. This research will look at the business environment and all aspects impacting the process and playing field in becoming formalised. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

This thesis is a study of women, warung (small shops) and Cicadas kampung community of Bandung, West Java. Data on warung, women, and the Cicadas kampung is based on 12 months fieldwork in 2002. To collect the data, a combination of in-depth interviews, observation and participant observation were adopted. In this research I explore the warung issue from the perspective of warung owners and other members of the kampung. ¶ From the owners’ point of view the main reason to establish warung is to extend the limited income produced by their family members to make ends meet. Other reasons are the possibility to combine income earning activities with domestic chores and social prestige. Having a warung gives more social prestige to a woman warung owner than being a domestic helper. On the other hand, having a job in the formal sector is considered better than conducting a warung business. ¶ From the kampung residents’ point of view, the reasons to shop at warung are mainly related to certain services offered by warung which are not available in other trading sectors. Warung offer small quantities of goods and credit. These services match the socioeconomic condition of the people, who are mostly low income. For the poor, warung indeed ‘support’ them by providing these affordable services which are in accord with their purchasing power. Moreover shopping at warung enables the people to save, especially when buying cooked food. For kampung people, cooking may lead to a higher cost. Proximity is another reason people shop at warung—which could be as close as next door—and this saves them transportation costs. ¶ Warung are also a social centre where people interact and discuss community affairs. Buying snacks (jajan) and credit (nganjuk) are important practices which mark the relationship between warung owners and their customers. These practices are less likely to characterize other trading sectors. ¶ More women than men run warung because having a warung enables women to combine reproductive and productive work, though this leads to the women working extremely long hours—up to 16 hours a day—to perform both tasks. Warung can also be seen as an extension of women’s domestic responsibilities, by reinvesting money and providing meals for their family.

Major paper (M.U.R. Pl.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1990. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-63). Also available via the Internet.