Este trabalho investiga os efeitos semânticos e pragmáticos de um tipo específico de foco que chamamos foco sobreinformativo e como ele afeta relações de escopo entre sintagmas quantificadores em português brasileiro. Discutimos como a estrutura informacional e o escopo de quantificadores interagem, com atenção especial a vários tipos de quantificadores, como universais, existenciais, e cardinais. Relações de escopo em português brasileiro foram investigadas em Negrão (1999), que concluiu trata-se de uma língua bastante rígida nesse aspecto, não permitindo inversão de escopo na maioria dos casos. Tal trabalho, entretanto, se restringiu a contextos neutros. Nosso objetivo é investigar como o foco sobreinformativo pode afetar essa aparente rigidez. No decorrer do trabalho fornecemos análises sintáticas e semânticas detalhadas da interação entre quantificação e focalização e uma caracterização pragmática dos contextos em que o foco sobreinformativo é lícito. / This work investigates the semantic and pragmatic effects of a specific kind of focus which we call over-informative focus and how it affects scope relations among quantifier phrases in Brazilian Portuguese. We discuss how information structure and quantifier scope interact paying attention to many types of quantifiers such as universals, existential and cardinals. Scope relations in Brazilian Portuguese were investigated by Negrão (1999), who have concluded that the language is very rigid disallowing scope inversion in most cases. Her work, however, was restricted to neutral (out-of-the-blue) contexts. Our goal is to investigate how over-informative focus affects this apparent rigidity. Throughout this work, we give a detailed syntactic and semantic analysis of the interaction between quantification and focalization and a pragmatic characterization of contexts in which over informative focus is licit.

Este trabalho investiga os efeitos semânticos e pragmáticos de um tipo específico de foco que chamamos foco sobreinformativo e como ele afeta relações de escopo entre sintagmas quantificadores em português brasileiro. Discutimos como a estrutura informacional e o escopo de quantificadores interagem, com atenção especial a vários tipos de quantificadores, como universais, existenciais, e cardinais. Relações de escopo em português brasileiro foram investigadas em Negrão (1999), que concluiu trata-se de uma língua bastante rígida nesse aspecto, não permitindo inversão de escopo na maioria dos casos. Tal trabalho, entretanto, se restringiu a contextos neutros. Nosso objetivo é investigar como o foco sobreinformativo pode afetar essa aparente rigidez. No decorrer do trabalho fornecemos análises sintáticas e semânticas detalhadas da interação entre quantificação e focalização e uma caracterização pragmática dos contextos em que o foco sobreinformativo é lícito. / This work investigates the semantic and pragmatic effects of a specific kind of focus which we call over-informative focus and how it affects scope relations among quantifier phrases in Brazilian Portuguese. We discuss how information structure and quantifier scope interact paying attention to many types of quantifiers such as universals, existential and cardinals. Scope relations in Brazilian Portuguese were investigated by Negrão (1999), who have concluded that the language is very rigid disallowing scope inversion in most cases. Her work, however, was restricted to neutral (out-of-the-blue) contexts. Our goal is to investigate how over-informative focus affects this apparent rigidity. Throughout this work, we give a detailed syntactic and semantic analysis of the interaction between quantification and focalization and a pragmatic characterization of contexts in which over informative focus is licit.

Dans ce travail, j’étudie les principes de l’ordre des mots en grec homérique. Comme en prose classique, le principe fondamental est que les constituants sont alignés en fonction de la structure informationnelle (SI) de l’énoncé, c’est-à-dire de l’expression des relations de topique et de focus. Les expressions topiques sont différenciées selon qu’elles sont ratifiées ou non. Quant au focus, deux constructions peuvent être identifiées : une construction à focus restreint, dans laquelle l’unique expression dans le focus est placée immédiatement avant le verbe, et une construction à focus large, où le verbe éventuellement suivi d’autres éléments constitue un domaine focal ; celui-ci peut recevoir une interprétation large ou restreinte sur son dernier élément. Après avoir décrit l’expression de la SI dans la clause et les contextes d’emploi des différentes constructions, on en explore les marges (positions pré- et postclausales), et on montre que la construction des interrogatives se fait à travers un enchâssement de propositions dotées d’une SI propre. La partition prosodique de l’énoncé, telle qu’elle se révèle à travers la position des postpositifs et des expressions de topique ratifié, est mise à profit dans la démonstration. Puis, après une étude de l’hyperbate en grec classique et homérique, je montre que la tmèse est, chez Homère, un procédé de pseudo-incorporation nominale. Enfin, cette étude linguistique sert de base à une réévaluation de l’enjambement chez Homère et à l’étude d’un trope de la poésie homérique (le σῆμα narratif), qui consiste à placer un mot (par exemple kalós ou stê/éstē) en position initiale dans le vers pour jalonner la progression du récit. / In this thesis, I study the principles of word order in Homeric Greek. As it is the case in classical prose, the fundamental principle consists in aligning constituents according to the information structure (IS) of the utterance, i.e. the expression of topic and focus relations. Topic expressions differ in their ratification status. As for focus, two constructions may be identified : a narrow focus construction, where the only element in the focus is placed immediately before the verb, and a broad focus construction, where the verb, optionally followed by other focal elements, builds up a focus domain ; the construal of this domain may be broad or narrow on its last element. Having described the expression of IS in the clause and the various contexts in which the different constructions occur, I explore the margins of the clause (pre- and postclausal positions), and I show that questions embed propositions with their own IS. In the demonstration, I make use of the prosodic partitioning of the utterance, as indicated by the position of postpositives and ratified topic expressions. Then, after studying hyperbaton in Classical and Homeric Greek, I show that tmesis, in Homer, is a kind of pseudo noun incorporation. Finally, building on this linguistic study, I reevaluate Homeric enjambment and try to identify a trope of Homeric poetry (narrative σῆμα), whereby a word (like kalós or stê/éstē) is placed in initial position in the line in order to mark the progression of the narrative.