Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-85). / During February and March of the year 1766, Dutch slaving vessel, the Meermin, be the site of an act of violent resistance, murder and an abortive bid for freedom. Approximately 140 Madagascan slaves revolted against the VOC crew manning the vessel and assume control of the ship; they were subsequently deceived by a Dutch crew desperate for their lives, transported to a region far from the island kingdoms that they regarded as home, and ultimately violently defeated on the coast of a foreign land, a land where many were to remain and die, recaptured by those over whom they had, for a brief moment, won such a devastating victory. Their grasp for liberty thwarted by an almost fantastic mixture of cunning, firepower and luck, they were ultimately to submit to the authority of the cause of their oppression, and to remain in the land from which their attempts at flight had been directed.

Thesis (M.A.)--Columbia University. / Bibliography: p. 111-125.

Thesis (M.A.)--Columbia University. / Bibliography: p. 111-125.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 473-509). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Delaware, 2008. / Principal faculty advisor: Nina Athanassoglou-Kallmyer, Dept. of Art History. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-03-07T19:14:01Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Tempos de Revolta Versão Digital.pdf: 6464923 bytes, checksum: d87cf69621356d9532162a53123b4a3d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-07T19:14:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Tempos de Revolta Versão Digital.pdf: 6464923 bytes, checksum: d87cf69621356d9532162a53123b4a3d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / CAPES / Este trabalho se propõe a dissertar sobre a Cabanagem, concebida como um tema de relevância social para o Brasil e, principalmente para a Amazônia brasileira. Visto que a Amazônia e, assim também, o Grão-Pará não encontravam-se dissociados do cenário político-econômico brasileiro, nem tampouco da conjuntura internacional, estabelecemos que as influências nacionais e internacionais que a província paraense sofreu durante os séculos XVIII e XIX, resultaram diretamente na eclosão do movimento. Afirmamos que não foi somente o processo de Adesão à Independência do Brasil e nem a contestação ao acesso e uso da terra que motivaram esses sujeitos marginais paraenses, classificados como cabanos, a se insurgirem e tomarem o poder do Pará de forma efetiva. Inferimos que, a partir do fim do século XVIII, com a influência das Revoluções Francesa, da Americana, da Confederação do Equador e a Crise do sistema colonial espanhol, o trânsito frequente de índios, negros e soldados desertores entre as fronteiras do Grão-Pará, da Guiana Francesa e da Amazônia Espanhola, tomou proporções muito maiores, passando a circularem ideias liberais e independentistas entre esses grupos. Esse emaranhado de variáveis, atreladas à disputa social/racial envolvendo índios, negros, a Igreja e o Estado, produziram as “rusgas” e insurreições recorrentes de “hidras”, as quais, no contexto de Tempos de Revoltas no Brasil Oitocentista Regencial, desencadearam a eclosão da Revolta/Revolução da Cabanagem. Em suma, fundamentados na tímida pretensão de rediscutir, os acontecimentos mais incisivos deste movimento contestatório do período oitocentista, propomos-nos a partir das pesquisas bibliográfica, documental (relatórios de província, correspondências, opúsculos, dentre outros) e análise da pós-memória, neste caso, a memória coletiva, historiografar e ressignificar os acontecimentos da “Revolução Cabana”, na região do Baixo Tapajós, compreendido, como o maior reduto de resistência Cabana de todo o Grão-Pará. / This work is proposed to discourse on the Cabanagem, conceived as a topic of social relevance to Brazil and especially for the Brazilian Amazon. Whereas, the Amazon and so the Grão-Pará, not found itself dissociated from the Brazilian political or economic scenario, neither of the international situation, we established that influences national and international that the suffered Pará province during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, directly influenced in the outbreak of movement. We affirm that it was not only the process of accession to independence of Brazil and or challenge to the access and use of land, which motivated these marginal subjects of Pará classified as cabanos, to rise up and take the power of Pará effectively. We infer that from the late eighteenth century, with the influence of French Revolutions, the American, the Confederation of Ecuador and the crisis of the Spanish colonial system, the frequent traffic of Indians, blacks and renegade soldiers from the Grand Para borders, French Guiana and the Spanish Amazon, took much larger proportions, starting to circulate liberal and separatist ideas among these groups. This tangle of variables, linked to social / racial dispute involving Indians, blacks, the Church and the State, produced the "raids" and recurrent uprisings "hydra", which, in times riots context in nineteenth-century Brazil Regencial, unleashed the outbreak of the revolt / revolution of Cabanagem. In short, based on the shy claim to (re)discuss the most incisive events this contestatory movement of nineteenth-century period, we propose us since the bibliographic research, documentary (province reports, correspondence, pamphlets, among others) and analysis of post-memory, in this case, the collective memory, historiografar and reframe the events of "Cabana Revolution," in the Lower Tapajós region, understood as the largest Cabana resistance stronghold around the Grão Pará.

Orientador: Robert Andrew Wayne Slenes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T07:02:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camargo_LuisFernandoPrestes_M.pdf: 2189841 bytes, checksum: fa00244f4f7bc633654cd13366cf69ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado teve como objetivo inicial a compreensão de um plano de rebelião escrava, ocorrido em 1848, em uma série de localidades da região conhecida à época como Oeste Paulista. O ano em que as tentativas de rebelião ocorreram foi marcado pela instabilidade política. No Brasil, conservadores e liberais se digladiavam para tentar impor seu modelo de organização ao país. Na Europa, a Revolução de 1848 derrubou as principais casas monárquicas européias, além de acabar com a escravidão nas colônias francesas. Para complexizar o contexto, os ingleses estavam pressionando a sociedade escravista para que acabasse efetivamente o tráfico africano para o Brasil. Entre a escravatura das mais variadas regiões do país, todo esse complexo contexto político, aliado às formas tradicionais de organização comunitária, os encorajou a tentar obter a liberdade por meio de tentativas de insurreições que foram organizadas. Essas ações políticas da escravatura, embora não tenham alcançado sucesso imediato, criaram um ambiente de grande medo e tensão entre a população, pressionando a sociedade oitocentista a analisar mais profundamente o fim do tráfico africano de escravos / Abstract: This dissertation initially aims to understand a plan for a slave rebellion in 1848, in the region then known as Paulista West. That year was marked by political instability. In Brazil, conservatives and liberals battled for political control. In Europe, the Revolutions of 1848 took down the main monarchist regimes and ended slavery in the French colonies. In addition, England was pressing hard to effectively end the transatlantic slave trade. This unstable and complex political context encouraged many slaves from various regions of Brazil to plan insurrections through traditional forms of community organization. In spite of their immediate and apparent failure, the slaves succeeded to create great fear and tension amongst the general population, pressing the 19th century slavery-based Brazilian society to consider more deeply the prospect of putting an end to the transatlantic slave trade / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

In mid-November, 1775, Lord Dunmore last Royal Governor of Virginia attempted to enlist the support of rebel owned slaves to crush Patriot resistance to Great Britain. This study examines the slaveholders' response to Dunmore's actions. Virginia's slaveholders fought a counter-revolution in order to maintain traditional race relations in the colony. Patriot propaganda portrayed Dunmore as a race traitor, who became symbolically more "black" than white. Slaveholders characterized Dunmore as a rebel, a madman, and a sexual deviant - stereotypes normally given to slaves by their "masters." Since Dunmore threatened to destroy the defining institution of slavery, planters sought to salvage their identities by defending the paternalistic philosophy and racist assumptions upon which slave society was based. Planters overwhelmingly became Patriots to protect slavery. / Department of History

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of English, 2004. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 140-165).

La tesi affronta il controverso tema dell’‘Africitas’, ovvero della singolare specificità politica, economica e culturale delle province africane nel contesto dell’ecumene romano-imperiale, esaminandola nelle sue eterogenee manifestazioni geo-politiche e militari nel periodo compreso tra la risistemazione augustea dei domini africani e gli esordi della dinastia flavia (31 a.C. – 70 d.C.). In quest’arco cronologico le frequenti e violente insurrezioni delle popolazioni autoctone a difesa della propria indipendenza – vere e proprie reazioni di rigetto alla progressiva romanizzazione guidate da carismatici capi berberi (Tacfarinas) o da funzionari del dissolto regno di Mauretania (Edemone) – furono precocemente arginate e soppiantate da fermenti automistici di diversa natura, declinati nelle forme del potentato personale ad opera di governatori romani quali Clodio Macro e Lucceio Albino, desiderosi di ascendere ai vertici della gerarchia imperiale sfruttando la crescente floridezza delle province africane come formidabile ‘trampolino di lancio’ per nutrire le proprie velleitarie ambizioni di potere. Tali tentativi, per quanto ancora in stadio embrionale e risoltisi rapidamente in un fallimento, rappresentarono tuttavia il preludio alle ben più articolate e gravi secessioni e usurpazioni tardo-antiche di matrice africana. / The primary purpose of this thesis is to investigate the complex and elusive topic of the so-called ‘Africitas’ in the historical context of the African provinces during the early Roman empire, between the overall resettlement of North-African territories undertaken by Augustus and the new arrangement of the African provinces fostered by the Flavian dinasty. During this period, the frequent and violent insurrections promoted by local populations, in particular by the Berber tribes, against the Roman conquest and the increasing romanization of their lands were early suppressed and replaced by autonomistic turmoils and ambitious aspirarations conceived by unscrupulous Roman governors like Clodius Macer and Lucceius Albinus, who tried, without any success, to carve out some niches of autonomy and personal authority among African subjects. Anyway, their complete failure in gaining support from the local population was destined to pave the way for the much more serious African secessions and usurpations of the Late Antiquity.