Colonial intellectual is a good point of entry for making sense of anti-colonial movement because in many cases they constituted the pioneer of the movement. Moreover, in some cases, they became the founding father of new nations. However, such an important social category received inadequate attentions. / The main concern of this research is: how to make sense of the fact that in some colonies, anti-colonial movement were stronger while in others, the subjects were silent. The present writer would use colonial intellectuals from three areas (Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore) as cases to illustrate the development of anti-colonial movements in above three areas in late nineteenth Century and Early Twenty Century. / Using the theory of institutionalization as theoretical framework, the present writer argued that the level of institutionalized of the society is the prime mover of the event. To view colonial society as a social group, it is argued that only in those societies reaching a high level of institutionalization, then members of the society would develop a kind of locally oriented vision of the society. That kind of vision is the necessary condition of anti-colonial movement. In the following thesis, the present writer would discuss in what way colonial governance, migration, and the conditions of pre-colonial society shaped the level of institutionalization of the discussed cases. / 劉紹麟. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-10, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liu Shaolin.

陳立程. / "2002年7月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 106-114) / 附中英文摘要. / "2002 nian 7 yue" / Chen Licheng. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 106-114) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 鳴謝 --- p.i / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 目錄 --- p.iv / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言：政治自由主義的興起 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 知識份子與國家：文獻評論與本文分析框架 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 中國知識份子與國家關係簡述 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 知識份子與國家關係的硏究模式 --- p.7 / Chapter (一) --- 知識份子對國家的依附：「庇護主義」 --- p.7 / Chapter (二) --- 對知識份子自主性的思考一一市民社會與公共領域 --- p.12 / Chapter (三) --- 對市民社會的質疑一一制度分析 --- p.15 / Chapter (四) --- 其他的分析模式 --- p.17 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.18 / Chapter 第三節 --- 分析架構 --- p.18 / Chapter (一) --- 思想史的進路 --- p.19 / Chapter (二) --- 知識份子與意識形態 --- p.19 / Chapter (三) --- 分析框架 --- p.21 / Chapter (四) --- 資料蒐集方法 --- p.25 / Chapter 第三章 --- 政治自由主義的內涵 --- p.30 / Chapter 第一節 --- 自由主義在中國的命運 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治自由主義的主張 --- p.34 / Chapter (一) --- 存有差異的自由主義觀 --- p.34 / Chapter (二) --- 財產權是個人自由的基石 --- p.35 / Chapter (三) --- 市場對資源的分配最有效率 --- p.35 / Chapter (四) --- 憲政與法治是自由主義的制度核心 --- p.36 / Chapter (五) --- 自由主義對政府的要求爲有限政府 --- p.36 / Chapter (六) --- 民主必須建基於自由之上 --- p.37 / Chapter (七) --- 消極的政治觀 --- p.38 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從「新左派」與「自由主義」之爭談起 --- p.39 / Chapter (一) --- 論爭的興起 --- p.39 / Chapter (二) --- 論爭的聚焦點 --- p.39 / Chapter (三) --- 新左派與自由主義的互相指責說明了什麼 --- p.41 / Chapter 第四節 --- 經濟自由主義與政治自由主義 --- p.43 / Chapter (一) --- 新左派與經濟自由主義爭論些什麼 --- p.44 / Chapter (二) --- 論爭焦點的轉變 --- p.45 / Chapter (三) --- 政治自由主義言說的公開 --- p.46 / Chapter (四) --- 政治自由主義論述的核心 --- p.48 / Chapter 第五節 --- 政治自由主義的內涵 --- p.49 / Chapter 第六節 --- 小結 --- p.51 / Chapter 第四章 --- 政治自由主義興起原因之一：國家與知識份子的分離 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 官方意識形態的轉變 --- p.57 / Chapter (一) --- 真理標準大辯論 --- p.57 / Chapter (二) --- 新的社會發展藍圖 --- p.60 / Chapter (三) --- 效率：衡量經濟發展成效的標準 --- p.61 / Chapter (四) --- 市場調節：提高經濟效率的主要手段 --- p.62 / Chapter (五) --- 社會發展總綱領：社會主義現代化強國 --- p.63 / Chapter 第二節 --- 促成八十年代知識份子與國家之間合作的基礎 --- p.64 / Chapter (一) --- 黨內意識形態競爭中知識份子的作用 --- p.64 / Chapter (二) --- 知識份子對新的社會發展藍圖的認同 --- p.66 / Chapter (三) --- 知識份子與國家合作的基礎 --- p.67 / Chapter (四) --- 知識份子與國家合作的形式 --- p.70 / Chapter (五) --- 自由的訴求：知識份子在思想領域的超越性？ --- p.72 / Chapter 第三節 --- 國家與知識份子的分離´ؤ´ؤ六四運動 --- p.73 / Chapter (一) --- 國家與知識份子分離的前提 --- p.73 / Chapter (二) --- 六四：反國家的運動？ --- p.74 / Chapter (三) --- 知識份子在六四運動中的作用 --- p.77 / Chapter (四) --- 六四如何推動知識份子與國家的分離 --- p.78 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.79 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治自由主義興起原因之二：觀念分裂的結果 --- p.83 / Chapter 第一節 --- 知識份子新社會發展藍圖探索的開展 --- p.83 / Chapter (一) --- 啓蒙陣地的轉移 --- p.83 / Chapter (二) --- 「市民社會」熱潮 --- p.85 / Chapter (三) --- 新的社會發展藍圖´ؤ´ؤ自由主義 --- p.86 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經濟自由主義思潮的興起 --- p.86 / Chapter (一) --- 經濟自由主義的內涵 --- p.86 / Chapter (二) --- 經濟自由主義出現的前提：八十年代有經濟自由主義嗎？ --- p.88 / Chapter (三) --- 九十年代經濟自由主義思潮的體現 --- p.90 / Chapter (四) --- 經濟自由主義言說公開化的條件 --- p.91 / Chapter 第三節 --- 鄧小平九二南巡的影響 --- p.92 / Chapter (一) --- 南巡講話的意涵 --- p.92 / Chapter (二) --- 南巡講話的衝擊：意識形態式的還是象徵式的？ --- p.93 / Chapter (三) --- 南巡與經濟自由主義的興起 --- p.94 / Chapter 第四節 --- 政治自由主義的興起 --- p.95 / Chapter (一) --- 在財產權與市場經濟的背後 --- p.95 / Chapter (二) --- 政治自由主義對經濟自由主義的超越 --- p.97 / Chapter (三) --- 政治自由主義興起的基礎 --- p.98 / Chapter 第五節 --- 小結 --- p.99 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.102 / Chapter (一) --- 硏究總結 --- p.102 / Chapter (二) --- 硏究貢獻 --- p.103 / Chapter (三) --- 硏究限制 --- p.104 / 參考文獻 --- p.106 / 附錄：六四運動資料摘錄 --- p.115

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"Let knowledge serve the city" reads the golden letters on a pedestrian bridge just 200 feet from my faculty office in Neuberger Hall at Portland State University. Public peace scholarship might allow knowledge to help the polis by keeping it out of war via changing the national discourse toward a strong and informed peace analysis. Educators have an uneasy relationship to public scholarship and mainstream media have a nervous attitude toward public peace intellectuals. Institutions of higher learning are also often either unaware or uncomfortable with a public promotion of a positive peace platform. Academic writing and research is hard to translate into publicly accessible knowledge and time constraints mitigate professorial efforts at such civic engagements. This dissertation looks at the evolving nature of this intersectionality between and among factors and analyzes data derived from research interviews conducted with 12 academics/activists. The conclusion is a grounded theory generated by this process. Key findings include problematic lack of academic freedoms--especially in the promotion and tenure context, overwhelming faculty workloads, infrequent faculty development of public scholarship skills and a spotty distribution/connection system that often fails to facilitate competent and willing faculty to engage as public peace and justice scholars. Policy recommendations attempt to address all these obstacles.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-06-04T12:32:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Angélica Riello de Souza.pdf: 1813366 bytes, checksum: fb9e95b8d037f6b8684ce633d22947da (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-04T12:32:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angélica Riello de Souza.pdf: 1813366 bytes, checksum: fb9e95b8d037f6b8684ce633d22947da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This researching studies the performance of Paulo Freire as Secretary of Education of the Municipality at São Paulo, between 1989 and 1991, in the management of the mayor of the party “Partido dos Trabalhadores”, Luíza Erundina. It investigates the experience of Paulo Freire and what he represented in his career as an intellectual of education, as well as the possible motivations for his withdrawal. For that, the broader concept of the organic intellectual as actor of the politician, found in Gramsci's (2001) considerations and the concept of experience proposed by E. P. Thompson (1981), was considered. In its course at the Municipal Department of Education, there are evidences of internal tensions in the municipal administration and next to the party “Partido dos Trabalhadores”. The methodology of analysis of the trajectory, generation and network of sociability is present in the studies of Sirinelli (2003). The tensions are associated with the clashes around the construction of his memory as an intellectual of education and the criticisms and praises that his works have aroused, reaching the memory consecrated and defended by a cohesive group of Freireans and critics, according to the considerations of Pollack (1992). Through the analysis of documents of the Municipal Secretariat of Education in the period and publications of the magazine “Teoria e Debate” of the Perseus Abramo Foundation, between 1988 and 1992, the main guidelines and changes in municipal education management, besides the conflicting elements and of dispute in the party and in the secretariat. The results show advances in a popular public education system with democratic aspirations and also show varying relationships of resistance / Este trabalho estuda a atuação de Paulo Freire como secretário da educação do município de São Paulo, entre período entre 1989 e 1991, na gestão da prefeita do Partido dos Trabalhadores, Luíza Erundina. Investiga-se a experiência de Paulo Freire e oque ela representou em seu percurso como intelectual da educação, assim como aspossíveis motivações de sua desistência. Para tanto, considerou-se o conceito mais ampliado de intelectual orgânico como ator do político, encontrado nas considerações de Gramsci (2001) e o conceito de experiência proposto por E. P. Thompson (1981). No seu percurso na Secretaria Municipal de Educação, notam-se evidências de tensões internas na administração municipal e junto ao Partido dos Trabalhadores. A metodologia de análise da trajetória, da geração e rede de sociabilidade está presente nos estudos de Sirinelli (2003). As tensões estão associadas aos embates em torno da construção da sua memória como intelectual da educação e das críticas e elogios que suas obras suscitaram, alcançando a memória consagrada e defendida por um grupo coeso de freireanos e críticos, de acordo com as considerações de Pollack (1992). Por meio da análise de documentos da Secretaria Municipal de Educação do período e publicações da revista Teoria e Debate da fundação Perseu Abramo, entre 1988 e 1992, busca-se revelar as principais pautas e mudanças na gestão da educação municipal, além dos elementos conflitivos e de disputa no partido e na secretaria. Para proceder na análise dos documentos utilizou-se a Análise do Discurso que toma a conceituação de discurso e enunciados responsivos de Backtin (2010). Os resultados alcançados revelam avanços de um sistema de educação pública popular, com aspirações democráticas e também mostram variadas relações de resistência

魏承思. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 133-148) / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Wei Chengsi. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 133-148) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.