Several indicators highlight that the EU suffers from a democratic legitimacy deficit that threatens not only the effectiveness of its policies, but also its integration project. This deficit has become very prominent since the 1990s and derives from the EU's multilevel governance political system. This political system combines elements both of a nation state and an international organisation, and, thus, transforms traditional politics and government and redefines the concepts of democracy and legitimacy both at European and national levels. This thesis investigates the EU's democratic legitimacy issue and also demonstrates how New Modes of Governance (NMG) can contribute towards the democratic legitimation of the EU's political system. NMG, due to their non-hierarchical, more inclusive and co-operative governance approaches, can theoretically enhance participation and improve the quality of policies and policy-making. Against this background, this thesis examines the employment of NMG in the EU's regional policy and especially in four case studies (Austria, Denmark, Italy and Poland). Through this comparative investigation, it offers an assessment of NMG influence on the EU's democratic legitimacy. Nevertheless, NMG have certain limitations too which constrain their employment on the EU's regional policy and limit their contribution to the EU's democratic legitimation of the EU, but they have to be better connected with the processess of representative democracy. They also depend on the progress of the EU's political integration. However, they constitute an innovative method of governance and further inquiry is necessary.

The paper examines the political economy taking place in Belarus since the mid-1990s in the context of the post-socialist transformation discourse. The former has prioritised the interests of non-proprietary social groups, and hence has frequently deviated from the mainstream post-socialist political economy agenda, composed of neo-liberalism and its socially-oriented alternatives, which have focused on new proprietors as driving forces of changes in the former socialist societies. Such a deviation might have been determined by Belarus' continuous allegiance to many of the socialist principles and policy methods in both economic and social spheres, as well as in politics, while the approaches dominating the post-socialist discourse presume adoption of Western principles of capitalist economy and pluralist democracy. At the same time, the country's transformation pattern has been closer to those trends in the post-socialist discourse, defined as socio-economics, which call for gradual state-led reforms, rather than to the radical liberalisation agenda of neo-liberalism. Notably, Belarusian authorities have sought to contain the costs of the transformation by following a gradual path and avoiding radical liberalisation and privatisation, but contrary to socio-economics, they have not focused on fostering new private enterprise, keeping their commitment to non-proprietary groups and the public sector they work in. While this has been frequently labelled as populism, the analysis of economic factors associated with it has not proved such allegations. Similarly, there has not been sufficient evidence to confirm the other popular criticism, regarding an allegedly utter corruptness of Belarusian authorities. In tum, the available survey and private opinion data have been in line with the official electoral outcomes, pointing at consistent public support of the policies pursued in the country. The research should provide a dual contribution to the existing knowledge of the post-socialist transformation. Above all, it amounts to a study of socio-economic determinants of Belarus' transformation, which have been frequently ignored in the English-language academic literature. In addition, it tests the validity and universal applicability of the predominant transformation paradigms, as the case of Belarus shows that it is possible to achieve positive socio-economic results and political stability following alternative political economy routes, which give proper consideration to the costs of reforms, and are based on wide public support.

This thesis is an analysis of the hegemonic and colonising nationalist discourse of the Turkish state in dealing with one of its “others”, communism, which is presented through the changes in the articulation of a symbol of that “other”, namely, Nazim Hikmet, in the official discourse about him. In doing so, it aims to make a contribution to the discussion of nationalism in light of the social constructivist approach which stresses the malleability of national identity and the dynamic social struggles over the definition of any given national identity, through an example from Turkey. In this sense, I would not argue that the case study of Nazirn Hikmet is unique since other instances of strategic changes from antagonism, to incorporation, and to colonisation can be traced in the relationship of the Turkish state and its various “others”. The case study of Nazim Hikmet will be situated in the general context of the ambiguities of the official Turkish nationalist discourse. In order to serve this aim, the role of language, religion and race in the Kemalist nationalism in different periods will be analysed. A study of the malleable relationship of the Turkish left with Kemalism, the construction of national literary canons, as well as a study of the life and works of Nazim Hikmet and their representation in the state discourse on him will be provided.

This study grounded within the discipline of conflict resolution in the field of international conflict is an empirical investigation and comprehensive analysis of the politics of security decision- making in an African petro-state called Nigeria. It explores how the Nigerian political elite perceive national security threat and the impact of this perception on the construction of security strategies in the oil producing Niger Delta region of the country. The study challenges the traditional thinking mode of national security and explores the transformative potential of the human security concept. In doing so, the study arrives at a central thesis that the specific interpretation of national security threat within the Nigerian political elite has escalated the level of insecurity in the state, especially in the Niger Delta region which is the research case study. The issues are addressed in eight chapters with the central themes of elite and security illustrated with theoretical as well as empirical accounts of the making of political elite and the roots of threat perception in Nigeria. By injecting a theoretical framework that comprises both discursive and non-discursive approaches through the two variants of securitisation theory - Copenhagen and Paris Schools, the study strips bare the security perception of the Nigerian political elite. Through qualitative and quantitative research methods, the study explored three different groups’ perceptions as its unit of analysis; and the specific nuances and commonalities within them analysed. The central hypothesis is that state institutions are not just a consequence of early historical conditions, but because agency and structure do evolve over time, the contingent processes and events such as natural resource discovery, nationalisation and the timing of key historical events create a set of governance resources, political economy incentives and elite culture that frames the behaviour of state actors and policy-makers. Nonetheless, these critical junctures may open windows of opportunity to push for a far-reaching changes in frameworks for decision-making and re-shape the mode of governance. The originality of the work is twofold. First, is its utility of an analytical framework that comprises both discursive and non-discursive practices as proposed by the Copenhagen and Paris Schools of securitisation theory to unravel elite perception of security. Second, is its application of a deconstructivist approach through qualitative data coding to analyse the evolving security dynamics in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. The study concludes that the lack of a process to allow the views of those who prioritise state security over citizens security, and those who view security the other way round to communicate and find a common ground is a major problem that needs to be overcome.

The international community has invested a significant amount of resources to limit corruption in developing countries and institute sound public finance management systems. This strategic approach has resulted in the emergence of anti-corruption commissions in Africa and elsewhere as a means to institute good governance, limit unconscionable spending and promote economic growth. However, a proactive participation of Parliaments and other key stakeholders, including the Auditor-General and civil society, in achieving this goal, has been very limited. As a result, systemic corruption and mismanagement of financial resources continue to pervade emerging economies in the midst of an unsettled political climate and limited reforms.Notwithstanding this trend, the quest for achieving transparency and participation in the budget process has become part of the general rubric of national developments. By design and purpose, international policy makers and leaderships of emerging economies are pursuing new public financial management strategies to increase the role of oversight institutions such as Parliaments, to enhance economic performance and curb corruption in the public sector. At the heart of the new strategies lie the improvement of budget transparency and participation.

No description available.

This thesis aims to demonstrate that economic security is also a significant pillar of safeguarding national security. Aside from military security measures, adopting peaceful economic engagement and economic measures can be an alternative security policy choice through which a state may achieve its national security agenda. To facilitate an understanding of economic security, this thesis submits a working definition of economic security, which has been delineated as 'the protection of a core value from all forms of potential or actualised threat by using economic measures and policies'. The core value refers to national interests and security Objectives. With this framework, the current thesis takes Taiwan as a case study to assess Taiwan's effort of implementing economic security strategy to accomplish its national security agenda within the context of the complex and hostile cross-Strait relations yet growing economic integration. This research intends to answer three categories of questions. Firstly, how large is the cost to Taiwan of pursuing economic security vis-a-vis China, and what is Taiwan's capability to afford such cost? Secondly, what factors would contribute to or undermine Taiwan's efforts in practising economic security, and to what extent? Thirdly, do cross-Strait economic ties strengthen or weaken Taiwan's economic security with respect to its economic performance, and to what extent? From three perspectives, this study analyses the above questions. Firstly, it analyses how Taiwan has employed economic power to construct its national security within the international system. Secondly, it examines how Taiwan has utilised economic measures to resist China's political and economic influence. Thirdly, from an economic perspective, it examines whether Taiwan's economic security objectives, in the context of its capability of sustaining economic prosperity, have been enhanced when it has engaged in economic exchange with China.

Thesis (M.S)--Oklahoma State University, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Oklahoma State University, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M. S.)--Oklahoma State University, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.