The newly released Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) aims to gender mainstream all stages of Canada’s international development projects with the goal of using a “truly feminist approach that supports the economic, political and social empowerment of women and girls, [making] gender equality a priority, for the benefit of all people” (Government of Canada, 2017). However, it is not clear what comprises a “truly feminist approach” in the policy or how this is being applied in the field. This thesis therefore aims to assess what feminist approaches can be found within the evaluations of projects that have been conducted under the FIAP and what type of feminism they portray. The methodology consisted of examining three case examples through a document review of key evaluation materials, an interview with a representative from each organization, and a ‘Feminist Evaluation Scorecard’ to summarize the findings. The analysis of these qualitative methods demonstrated that the evaluations, although found to be using some feminist approaches, align better with a technocratic version of feminism rather than a transformational one. It was also found that the participating organizations have limited knowledge of the FIAP and face barriers in implementing feminist approaches within their evaluation work. Some suggestions for future practice were provided including increasing clarity in the wording of the FIAP, providing additional resources to organizations through training and funds so that they may better implement feminist evaluations, and increasing overall communication on expectations so that a “truly feminist” approach may be used in evaluations going forward. / Graduate

The role of the evaluation for Official Development Assistance (ODA) enterprises including educational development has become critical after increasing “aid fatigue” experienced by the international community in the 1990s. To date, however, monitoring and evaluating outcomes of the projects has been limited to the project life. Consequently these have been mainly through the international aid agencies. Furthermore, the monitoring and evaluation led by international aid agencies have paid little attention to aspects of the sustainability of technical cooperation in educational development. To sustain the impact of technical cooperation, the reinforcement of evaluation has drawn increasing attention in light of the emerging modalities in international development. Therefore this research was inspired to investigate alternative evaluation frameworks for an educational reform project for teacher quality improvement that may increase possibilities for long term sustainability. Importantly, the new modalities in international development and educational issues provide new options. In addition, the research reviewed theoretical and practical issues surrounding evaluation in general, and highlighted the evaluation of education reform projects. The research reported explored via case studies, the evaluation processes employed by the Egyptian education reform projects implemented by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The case studies used three data sources (archival and relevant documents, a survey questionnaire and interviews) to illuminate the contextually-embedded evaluation processes. The research found that process evaluation is a potential alternative method since it is likely to be locally institutionalised, which may yield long-term sustainability of the projects.

This study aimed to identify the influences on the development and sustainability of education for librarianship and information management. It analysed the factors that contribute to the development of education for librarianship and information management, drawing on theories of change management and the transfer of innovation, and the contextual factors suggested by theories of comparative librarianship. The investigation of these factors focused on a case study of developments in Iraq up to 2003. It examined education for librarianship and information management against the background of the creation of the country’s library and information services, and the broader context of its national, economic, and social development. It also considered trends in international perspectives on library development, and the advice and assistance offered to Iraq. To provide a benchmark for developments in Iraq, it contrasted developments there with brief summaries of parallel developments in other Arab countries and in the cognate field of education for archives and records management in Iraq. It drew evidence from the published literature, previously unexplored archival material, and discussions with some of the participants. From an evaluation of the evidence, the study developed models of the value chain in developing education in the field, illustrating the complex interactions that need to be considered. These represent the generic factors that appear critical to the sustainable development of education for librarianship and information management not only in developing countries but also in countries that are seeking to strengthen the foundations of education in this field. The conclusions also pointed to a number of specific issues that fostered or hindered development in Iraq, including trends in international assistance. The study calls for further work including investigating the impact of traditional and cultural attitudes on the development of education in the field, and understanding of how future generations of LIS professionals in Iraq could develop as change agents.

Ongoing global health inequities have been amplified since the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent social movements. Such inequities have resulted in increased literature critiquing the historical roots and current practices in global health. From this literature, questions have emerged about the future of global health and Canada’s role in this future. However, there is little research consolidating existing critiques and, based on these critiques, exploring adolescent sexual and reproductive health (ASRH) research and the role of Canadian funding for ASRH. The aim of this dissertation is to consolidate contemporary critiques of global health to develop a conceptual framework for one potential imagined future for global health. It then explores the conceptual framework for an imagined future through an example of global health research, policy, and practice, as it relates to ASRH in Eastern sub-Saharan Africa, to consider the opportunities and challenges of achieving this new potential vision. In this dissertation, I present four unique contributions. The first article presents the conceptual framework for an imagined future that will be used to explore ASRH research, policy, and practice. The second article presents findings from a scoping review on adolescent engagement in ASRH research. The third article presents a review of Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) and examines the development of the policy in relation to an imagined future. The fourth article presents a qualitative description of stakeholder perspectives who are implementing ASRH projects with Canadian funding and discusses these perspectives in relation to an imagined future. Conclusions suggest that language to support changes towards an imagined future in global health exists although there is continued opportunity to operationalize the changes. Further research is encouraged to engage local actors and consider practical ways to shift towards equity and justice in Canadian funding for ASRH. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / There is growing controversy in the field of global health and it is not yet clear how the field will respond and evolve. As the number of critiques grow, responding with new ideas for the future of global health becomes more urgent and yet more difficult. This thesis aimed to address this challenge by examining what an imagined future for global health research, policy, and practice might be, and how it might be achieved. This research focuses on the future of global health and Canada’s role in it, particularly regarding adolescent sexual and reproductive health (ASRH) in Eastern sub-Saharan Africa. By reviewing documents and conducting qualitative interviews, this study explores adolescent involvement in ASRH research, Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) and stakeholder experiences implementing ASRH projects with Canadian funding. Findings emphasize the need for concrete actions to implement the changes proposed by scholars. Further research is encouraged to engage local actors and consider practical ways forward for shifts towards equity and justice in Canadian funding.

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da assistência dos Estados Unidos da América à Colômbia para o combate às drogas a partir de 2002. Considerando o histórico de aproximação entre os dois países relativa a políticas sobre drogas, pretende-se explicar o motivo da diminuição da assistência antidrogas dos Estados Unidos à Colômbia no final da década de 2000. A hipótese deste estudo assinala que esta diminuição é explicada devido à posse de Barack Hussein Obama como presidente dos Estados Unidos, em 2009, e às alterações da política externa da Colômbia com a eleição do novo presidente Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, em 2010. Com efeito, houve diminuição considerável do poder das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) após o Plano Colômbia, facilitando a abertura dos diálogos de paz e seu tratamento menos militarizado nos mandatos de Santos e Obama. Neste trabalho, são apresentados um histórico do combate às drogas e aos grupos insurgentes, além das principais diretrizes da Polícia Externa da Colômbia e suas relações com os Estados Unidos. Ademais, são expostos os dados referentes à assistência policial, militar, humanitária e econômica estadunidense à Colômbia para o combate às drogas, as agências norte-americanas de fomento à assistência internacional, os acordos bilaterais vigentes entre estes países, bem como a legislação que rege o repasse de recursos norte-americanos ao exterior. / This paper intends to present the trajectory of U.S. assistance to Colombia in regards to drug fighting from the year of 2002. Considering the historical alignment between these two countries concerning drug policies, this study intends to explain the reason behind the decrease in counternarcotics assistance provided by the USA to Colombia at the end of 2000s decade. The hypothesis of this work suggests that the reduction in counternarcotics assistance is resulting from the beginning of the American presidential term of Barack Hussein Obama in 2009, and the change in Colombian foreign policy with the new president Juan Manuel Santos Calderón in 2010. In fact, the power of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) decreased after Plan Colombia, hence it enabled the beginning of peace talks and its less militarized treatment during Santos and Obama terms. In this work, the history of the fight against drugs and insurgent groups will be discussed, as well as the main guidelines followed by the Colombian Foreign Policy, and its relations with the USA. Additionally, it will be present data on the United States military, police, humanitarian and economic assistance used to combat the drug problem in Colombia, and information on American agencies that promote international assistance. Further information on the bilateral agreements between these countries, as well as legislations that allow American resources abroad will be discussed.

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da assistência dos Estados Unidos da América à Colômbia para o combate às drogas a partir de 2002. Considerando o histórico de aproximação entre os dois países relativa a políticas sobre drogas, pretende-se explicar o motivo da diminuição da assistência antidrogas dos Estados Unidos à Colômbia no final da década de 2000. A hipótese deste estudo assinala que esta diminuição é explicada devido à posse de Barack Hussein Obama como presidente dos Estados Unidos, em 2009, e às alterações da política externa da Colômbia com a eleição do novo presidente Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, em 2010. Com efeito, houve diminuição considerável do poder das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) após o Plano Colômbia, facilitando a abertura dos diálogos de paz e seu tratamento menos militarizado nos mandatos de Santos e Obama. Neste trabalho, são apresentados um histórico do combate às drogas e aos grupos insurgentes, além das principais diretrizes da Polícia Externa da Colômbia e suas relações com os Estados Unidos. Ademais, são expostos os dados referentes à assistência policial, militar, humanitária e econômica estadunidense à Colômbia para o combate às drogas, as agências norte-americanas de fomento à assistência internacional, os acordos bilaterais vigentes entre estes países, bem como a legislação que rege o repasse de recursos norte-americanos ao exterior. / This paper intends to present the trajectory of U.S. assistance to Colombia in regards to drug fighting from the year of 2002. Considering the historical alignment between these two countries concerning drug policies, this study intends to explain the reason behind the decrease in counternarcotics assistance provided by the USA to Colombia at the end of 2000s decade. The hypothesis of this work suggests that the reduction in counternarcotics assistance is resulting from the beginning of the American presidential term of Barack Hussein Obama in 2009, and the change in Colombian foreign policy with the new president Juan Manuel Santos Calderón in 2010. In fact, the power of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) decreased after Plan Colombia, hence it enabled the beginning of peace talks and its less militarized treatment during Santos and Obama terms. In this work, the history of the fight against drugs and insurgent groups will be discussed, as well as the main guidelines followed by the Colombian Foreign Policy, and its relations with the USA. Additionally, it will be present data on the United States military, police, humanitarian and economic assistance used to combat the drug problem in Colombia, and information on American agencies that promote international assistance. Further information on the bilateral agreements between these countries, as well as legislations that allow American resources abroad will be discussed.

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da assistência dos Estados Unidos da América à Colômbia para o combate às drogas a partir de 2002. Considerando o histórico de aproximação entre os dois países relativa a políticas sobre drogas, pretende-se explicar o motivo da diminuição da assistência antidrogas dos Estados Unidos à Colômbia no final da década de 2000. A hipótese deste estudo assinala que esta diminuição é explicada devido à posse de Barack Hussein Obama como presidente dos Estados Unidos, em 2009, e às alterações da política externa da Colômbia com a eleição do novo presidente Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, em 2010. Com efeito, houve diminuição considerável do poder das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) após o Plano Colômbia, facilitando a abertura dos diálogos de paz e seu tratamento menos militarizado nos mandatos de Santos e Obama. Neste trabalho, são apresentados um histórico do combate às drogas e aos grupos insurgentes, além das principais diretrizes da Polícia Externa da Colômbia e suas relações com os Estados Unidos. Ademais, são expostos os dados referentes à assistência policial, militar, humanitária e econômica estadunidense à Colômbia para o combate às drogas, as agências norte-americanas de fomento à assistência internacional, os acordos bilaterais vigentes entre estes países, bem como a legislação que rege o repasse de recursos norte-americanos ao exterior. / This paper intends to present the trajectory of U.S. assistance to Colombia in regards to drug fighting from the year of 2002. Considering the historical alignment between these two countries concerning drug policies, this study intends to explain the reason behind the decrease in counternarcotics assistance provided by the USA to Colombia at the end of 2000s decade. The hypothesis of this work suggests that the reduction in counternarcotics assistance is resulting from the beginning of the American presidential term of Barack Hussein Obama in 2009, and the change in Colombian foreign policy with the new president Juan Manuel Santos Calderón in 2010. In fact, the power of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) decreased after Plan Colombia, hence it enabled the beginning of peace talks and its less militarized treatment during Santos and Obama terms. In this work, the history of the fight against drugs and insurgent groups will be discussed, as well as the main guidelines followed by the Colombian Foreign Policy, and its relations with the USA. Additionally, it will be present data on the United States military, police, humanitarian and economic assistance used to combat the drug problem in Colombia, and information on American agencies that promote international assistance. Further information on the bilateral agreements between these countries, as well as legislations that allow American resources abroad will be discussed.

In 2016 the Colombian Government signed an historic peace deal with the main guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) after decades of armed conflict. In the same year Canada pledged $57.4M in development funding to help Colombia recover in the post-peace deal era. Since 2016 the Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program (PSOPs) alone has invested $35.3M in the country. With the launch of Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017, many of these initiatives unfolded in a new policy context and were characterised by commitments to make gender equality a priority. This study looks at the intersection of Canadian aid, transitional justice, and gender in Colombia through a feminist-institutionalist lens. It aims to assess the impact of Canadian-funded projects from these areas along a spectrum that varies from 'gendered transitional justice' to 'transformative transitional justice'. The thesis concludes that the impact of Canadian assistance is found in the in-between area of 'gendered transitional justice' and 'transformative transitional justice', characterized by some progress away from the status quo of 'gendered transitional justice', but without hitting the transformative mark. Through a feminist institutionalist lens, we argue that it is the complex socio-political landscape of Colombia overlaying the agency of Canada's implementing partners, their Southern counterparts and the agency of the donor, and the sum of these interactions that both enable and limit the full transformative capacity of the intervention and situate its impact somewhere in the middle.

This work maps currant situation of development assistance in Zimbabwe. It summarizes currant situation of this activity in this country and shows basic development problems: "Double-law" system, women empowerment, "Sugar mummies and sugar daddies" phenomena, religion syncretism, fear factor, "child- headed" families and a "vicious circle of poverty". This thesis states these basic development outcomes: Microfinancing, use of "physical economy" and political changes. It is divided in two main parts; theoretical and practical. In the theoretical-one it deals with geo-population discourse and historical-political discourse so that the outcomes can to be place into context of currant development problems. In practical- one it deals with research question and hypothesis, as well as own investigation at the place. It shows the general interest in development assistance in terms of education, not only in terms of money (which was anticipated). At the end there is a discussion chapter, based mostly on personal experience, which I gained during the residencies HTF UK in 2011 and 2012. The end deals with outcomes, which were done by investigation and mentioned discourses.

The main aim of the master thesis titled "Syria and the concept responsibility to assist: new approach towards conflict resolution?" is to find out whether the extension of the doctrine of responsibility to protect by the concept of responsibility to assist that is based on the support of nonviolent movements could work as a new approach towards conflict resolution and thanks to this it could constitute another way of international assistance and civilian protection in cases when it is the regime that perpetrates the violence against its own population. For this reason the thesis, via the Syrian civil war that offers wide range of internal responses to the violence perpetrated by the regime against civilians, focuses on three different forms of international involvement and assistance. These are the international military intervention under the third pillar of R2P, the backing of domestic violent groups and insurgents and last but not least the assistance to nonviolent movements and civil initiatives in the form of R2A as a potential expansion of the second pillar under the R2P doctrine. These approaches are analyzed with regard to the issues of state sovereignty and moral responsibility to protect civilians that arises from the inconsistency of these two aspects in relation to any kind of...