This dissertation focuses on the role of non-state actors in international lawmaking and institutions. People increasingly participate in international governance through a range of organizations and institutions yet their access remains contested and tentative; often described as an accommodation but not a right. Citizens may be sovereign at home, but they lack standing at international law. I examined multiple cases where participation has become part of the machinery of international lawmaking - from regional agreements in Europe and the Americas to global accords addressing climate change. Each case shows the assertion of popular will within a governance framework constructed and managed by states. My findings thus reveal a paradigm of state architects and executors that accommodates non-state actors as collaborators and animators. This paradigm challenges the idea that state sovereignty is absolute and impervious without rejecting state dominion outright. Within a broader scholarly discourse that often presents a binary choice - either states are sovereign (leaving people with no real place in international lawmaking) or people are sovereign (leaving the international system assailable for its conspicuous democracy deficit) - my findings suggest a hybrid approach that reinforces the authority of states while making meaningful space for non-state actors. International governance thus gains some of the value of democratic, participatory models in a way that enhances rather than disrupts the existing international legal system.

This dissertation offers a history of napalm from its invention in 1942 at Harvard University to President Barack Obama's signature on 21 January 2008 of the first U.S. treaty to limit its use. It describes the incendiary weapon's creation through a partnership between government and academia; deployment in both Europe and the Pacific, culminating with the firebombing of Japan's major cities in 1945; extensive use during the Korean War, and many other conflicts; and transformation in public opinion from a marvel to a monster so horrible Pentagon commanders won't mention it, and commentators routinely cite it as an icon of savage cruelty. The history traces this change in public opinion to media coverage during the Vietnam War that raised awareness of the weapon's effects on civilians; protests against the war and the Dow Chemical Corporation that started in 1965 and defined the gel as barbaric; U.S. defeat in Vietnam; commentary by opinion makers after the war, especially Hollywood film-makers; the rise of a global popular culture linked by electronic media; changes in international law; and development of alternative weapons. The study concludes that napalm's story highlights the significance of worldwide communications and popular culture, the increased importance of civilian casualties in war, the important role social movements and international law play in the formulation of social norms, and the increasing power of global opinion to constrain national authorities.

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This study chronicles the change in the foreign policy views of the National Farmers Union brought about by U.S. involvement in the Korean War. Abandoning its poignant criticisms of President Truman's earlier Cold War initiatives, the nation's foremost liberal agrarian organization embraced not only American actions in Korea but on a larger scale administration attempts to further what Henry Luce termed the "American Century." This policy reversal created a rift between the national organization and various state and regional branches. The Iowa and Northeastern divisions in particular objected to the shift as a surrender of principle and as a capitulation to the corporate-military domination of American society that threatened the already declining status of the family farmer. These wayward affiliates became Cold War casualties when the Farmers Union revoked their charters for their failure to endorse American activities in Korea. Yet, the national organization's complete about-face on American foreign policy made it, too, a casualty of the Cold War.;This study is based on a wide variety of governmental and private sources, including the newly deposited papers of Iowa Farmers Union president Fred W. Stover. It argues that America's "preponderance of power" following the Second World War led not only to a spreading of the American dream abroad but also to a remolding of political and economic relations on the homefront. The early post-war period became, in the words of President Truman, "the years when the cold war began to overshadow our lives." American priorities gave precedence to increased military budgets, which consumed non-defense related spending and strengthened ties between the military and corporations eager to play a role in shaping the world in the American Image. Organizations such as the Farmers Union initially rejected these goals as antithetical to American tradition and as damaging to their own desires for equity within American society. Political and social pressures, however, brought about an eventual acquiescence in the new American priorities and repudiation for groups and individuals unwilling to accept the Cold War as a way of life.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 34-07, Section: A, page: 4364. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1973.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 26-12, page: 7431. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1964.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 26-12, page: 7433. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1965.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 28-01, Section: A, page: 0279. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1967.