Why do some ethnic groups support the use of terrorism and violence to change the status quo and others do not? Conventional wisdom suggests repression may provoke more violence, but consensus has not been reached on how this relationship works. I propose a Theory of Ethnic Group Support for Terrorism (TEST) that argues that the denial of political access to ethnic groups to resolve conflict through peaceful means creates conditions of structural repression. This structural repression then engenders ethnic groups to mobilize around seeking extra-institutional and often extra-legal avenues of change including terrorism. The avenue chosen depends upon the state's response to ethnic group mobilization, which may include reforming repressive institutions, thus undermining support for violence and terrorism, or may include using agent-driven discrete acts of repression, triggering increases in ethnic group support for terrorism. The TEST is applied and assessed in light of the cases of Northern Irish Catholics and the IRA, Quebecois and the FLQ and Corsicans and the FLNC. Ultimately, the TEST demonstrates that states' willingness to effectively address ethnic group grievances will marginalize, if not eradicate terrorism. In contrast, states that choose to neglect, alienate and discriminate against ethnic groups fail to enable them to use political channels to change the status quo, causing increases in support for terrorism. / Pourquoi certains groupes ethniques appuient-ils l'utilisation du terrorisme et de la violence afin de modifier le statut quo alors que d'autres s'y opposent? Il est généralement admis que la répression peut engendre plus de violence. Or, le sens de cette relation ne fait toujours par consensus dans la littérature. Cette étude présente une théorie visant à expliquer l'appui des groupes ethniques au terrorisme (TEST) et qui suggère que les cas où les groupes ethniques se voient refuser l'accès au politique comme moyen pacifique de résolution de conflits créent des conditions de répression structurelle. Celle-ci devient alors un motif pour les groupes ethnique de se mobiliser afin de trouver des modes extra-institutionnels et des avenues extra-juridiques de résoudre les conflits, incluant le terrorisme. L'avenue choisie par les groupes ethniques dépend de la réponse offerte par l'État à leurs stratégies de mobilisation. Cette réponse peut inclure des réformes aux institutions répressives, minant l'appui des groupes à la violence et au terrorisme, ou l'utilisation discrète d'actes de répression conduits par des individus, générant une augmentation du soutien au terrorisme au sein des groups ethniques. Dans le cadre de cette étude, la théorie TEST est donc évaluée à la lumière des cas des Catholiques irlandais du Nord et de l'IRA, des Québécois et du FLQ, ainsi que des Corses et du FLNC. Elle démontre que, d'une part, la volonté des États de répondre aux revendications des groupes ethniques marginalise, si ce n'est éradique, l'utilisation du terrorisme par ces groupes. D'autre part, les États qui choisissent de négliger, d'aliéner ou de discriminer les groupes ethniques les empêchent d'utiliser les voies politiques de résolution des conflits, provoquant une augmentation de l'appui de ces groupes à l'utilisation de la violence et du terrorisme.

This thesis examines the politics of international legal tutelage in post-independence Kosovo by investigating the dynamics of power interplay between EU's largest civilian mission to date – EULEX and Kosovar stakeholders. Informed by the "practice turn" in IR and borrowing from Bourdieu's sociology of juridical field, the central argument of this thesis posits that the relations between EULEX as an "expertise-rich" entity and Kosovar institutions as "expertise-deficient" as well as their interactions as partners in the monopoly of violence, have resulted in the emergence of a new legal field that has been grounded by the ontological glorification surrounding the notion of "rule of law." The EU's attempt to socialize the nascent Kosovar polity into international liberal norms and European best practices has resulted in daily institutional struggles that continuously define and re-negotiate the principle of the "rule of law." These struggles, in turn, have provided Kosovar institutions and political elite with a platform whereupon they are able to mobilize meaningful symbolic power from a palette of resources, which helps them legitimize their own claims about authority, local ownership and statehood. / Ce mémoire examine la situation politique de la tutelle internationale au Kosovo post-indépendance via l'investigation des dynamiques de pouvoir entre la plus large mission de l'UE à date – EULEX – et la partie prenante Kosovar. Éclairé par le « practice turn » en RI et empruntant à la sociologie du champs juridique de Bourdieu, la thèse centrale de ce mémoire affirme que les relations entre EULEX – en temps qu'entité « riche en expertise » – et les institutions Kosovars – considérés « pauvres en expertise » -, ainsi que leur interactions en temps que partenaires dans l'exercice du monopole de la violence légitime, se sont traduites par l'émergence d'un nouveau champs légal. Ce dernier est largement supporté par la glorification ontologique de la notion d' « État de droit ». Les tentatives de l'UE de socialiser le naissant État Kosovar aux normes libérales internationales ainsi qu'aux pratiques Européennes a résulté en des luttes institutionnelles quotidiennes qui ne cessent de (re)définir et (re)négocier le principe d' «État de droit ». À leur tour, ces luttes on fournit aux institutions et à l'élite politique Kosovar une plateforme sur laquelle elles ont été capable de mobiliser significativement un pouvoir symbolique provenant d'une palette de ressources; ce qui les aide à légitimer leur propres revendications quant à l'autorité, la propriété locale et l'indépendance étatique du Kosovo.

The issue of narcotic drugs and narcotrafficking has gained a preeminent place in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, especially in respect to Latin American countries. Inter-American relations, previously defined in the setting of the "Cold War", currently gravitate to a large extent, around the production and trade of illegal drugs. In this new framework, the economic dependency of developing nations provides the United States with enough power to implement unilateral strategies aimed at the achievement of U.S. national interests, through the execution of a coercive diplomacy supported by the threat of economic sanctions. In this context, the government of the United States has advanced the narcotics question as a pretext to obtain political, legislative and judicial changes in Latin American countries, through the "narcotics certification process", which pretends the adoption and implementation of a flawed, prohibition law enforcement oriented antidrug strategy. The certification process, besides its futility in terms of providing a solution to the narcotics dilemma, causes irreparable damage to producer and transit countries, constitutes an obstacle in their development process and a violation of their national sovereignty.

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This thesis begins with the examination of the five multilateral space law treaties from perspectives of the developing countries. Next, the genesis and scope of international cooperation in space activities, in relation to the expectations of the developing countries is explored. / In the following two chapters the content of the principle of the common heritage of mankind in space law as well as the transfer of space technology to the developing countries is analyzed in the context of the 1982 U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, as amended in 1994. The legal regulation of remote sensing by satellite and the 1996 U.N. Declaration on International Cooperation are critically examined in the following two chapters. / The thesis ends with a comprehensive survey of specific requirements of developing countries in the field of space technology, with special emphasis on the needs, and possible ways to satisfy those needs, of Bosnia - Herzegovina.

There have been many cases of intrusion of civil aircraft into the airspace of foreign States. On occasion, the subjacent State has reacted by using force against such aircraft, sometimes with fatal consequences. Customary international law admits the use of force only in exceptional circumstances. As the United Nations specialized agency responsible for international civil aviation, ICAO has conducted fact-finding investigations into a number of cases of aerial shootdowns and adopted resolutions and taken decisions in this connection. Such resolutions and decisions have clearly been influenced by political factors. / The Organization has also taken specific legal and technical steps aimed at reducing the dangers to civil aircraft and their occupants arising out of an intrusion. In the legal field, its principal achievement has been the adoption in 1984 of an amendment (Article 3 bis) to the Chicago Convention which is, however, not free of ambiguities and obscurities in meaning and which, despite numerous assertions to the contrary, does not reflect the exact scope of customary international law in this area. On the technical side, the Organization has successfully developed a number of detailed provisions in Annexes to the Convention which are universally respected and accepted by its Member States.

Within the context of the current negotiations over the Free Trade Area of the Americas, there is an unquestionable need to create a system to resolve disputes that may arise between the state parties. Since new dispute settlement systems are often developed by borrowing and learning from past experiences, this thesis examines and compares certain aspects of the dispute settlement mechanisms of the World Trade Organization and certain regional and bilateral agreements signed in the western hemisphere. The result of the analysis is a set of proposals about which of these aspects could be effectively integrated into the design of the dispute settlement system of the Free Trade Area of the Americas.

In the present context of increase and liberalization of commercial exchanges, the traditional involvement of the state in the cultural sector is called into question. The negotiation and implementation of free trade agreements have met with the resistance of a number of countries, preoccupied with the potential consequences that the massive penetration of foreign symbolic products on their territory could have on their cultural identity and anxious to retain their power to regulate trade in cultural goods and services. / This Thesis discusses the place of culture within the World Trade Organization, the European Union and in the North American Free Trade Agreement. This analysis attempts to describe the negotiation techniques and strategies used by states to keep their cultural policies from falling within the free trade agreements' purview. This Thesis also describes the agreements' specific provisions that translate the achieved compromises and tries to show the tensions resulting from the difficulties to reconcile the cultural and economic objectives of nations.

Various aspects of the airline industry will have to be considered. In determining what the way forward should be, the very essence of airline transport must be laid bare. The industry will have to be classified, does it qualify as a global public good, or is it a mixed public/private commodity? What are the ill effects that this good has yielded as its by products? The aviation industry as a branch of global transportation will be examined in order to classify it. Methods of managing public goods effectively will be briefly considered. Following this will be an analysis of aviation development, the events preceding and following deregulation, the most significant player in the aviation world. Various perspectives and forms of regulation will be considered. References will be made to strict government regulation, deregulation and self regulation. This will lead to a consideration of other matters pertinent to the aviation industry e.g. health, safety, security, environmental aspects and how these should be managed. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis focuses on the effects of American foreign policy on the “democratization” of the Middle East in the post-September-2001 period. The author examines the case of the Middle East Partnership Initiative, a democracy assistance program created in 2002 within the context of the vast democracy promotion campaign undertaken by the Bush administration in response to the attacks of September 11, 2001. Following a theoretical analysis of the elements related to the process of democratization and a retrospective of democracy promotion in the recent history of the United States, the author introduces the different aspects of President Bush's new pro-democracy rhetoric, known as the Freedom Agenda. In describing and analyzing MEPI's programs, evolution and priorities, as well as its main shortcomings and challenges ahead, the author demonstrates that the positive effects of such democratization programs are difficult to show as there have been few “real” democratic advancements in the Middle East so far. / Ce mémoire porte sur les effets de la politique étrangère américaine après le 11 septembre 2001 sur la démocratisation du Moyen-Orient. Plus particulièrement, l'auteure y examine le cas du Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), un programme d'assistance à la démocratie mis en œuvre en 2002 dans le cadre de la vaste campagne de promotion démocratique de l'administration Bush, lancée peu après les événements de 2001. Après une analyse théorique des éléments reliés au processus de démocratisation et une rétrospective de la place accordée à la promotion de la démocratie dans l'historique récente des affaires étrangères des États-Unis, l'auteure introduit les différents aspects de la nouvelle rhétorique pro-démocratique de l'administration Bush, communément appelée le Freedom Agenda. En décrivant et en analysant les programmes, l'évolution et les priorités du MEPI, ainsi qu'en examinant les critiques qui lui ont été adressées et les défis que l'initiative devra affronter dans les années à venir, l'auteure réussit à démontrer que les effets positifs de ce genre de programme de démocratisation sont difficiles à prouver, les avancées démocratiques « réelles » étant peu nombreuses au Moyen-Orient à ce jour.