This thesis deals with constructivist and English School accounts of humanitarian intervention. Literature from both of these schools contends that a "norm of humanitarian intervention" has emerged, whereby states should intervene to end massive human rights violations within other states. Accordingly, this thesis concerns itself with "norm entrenchment," the extent to which a norm has become sufficiently ingrained as to affect behavior. Specifically, this thesis examines the role played by norm entrenchment in bringing about US intervention and non-intervention in Somalia (1992-1993), Rwanda (1994), and Kosovo (1999). By assessing norm entrenchment at the individual, domestic, and international organization levels, this thesis concludes that norm entrenchment played little or no role in bringing about US intervention in Somalia and Kosovo, and non-intervention in Rwanda. Instead, these cases demonstrate that international organizations' credibility and maintenance enter into decisions to intervene or not to intervene in humanitarian crises. / Cette thèse traite des théories relatives à la question des interventions humanitaires formulées par les constructivistes et par les représentants de l'Ecole Anglaise. La littérature des deux Ecoles affirme qu'une «norme relative aux interventions humanitaires» a émergé, selon laquelle les Etats devraient intervenir, afin de faire cesser les violations massives de droits de l'homme se déroulant à l'intérieur d'autres Etats. En conséquence, cette thèse traite «de l'établissement des normes», à savoir dans quelle mesure une norme est suffisamment enracinée pour affecter le comportement. Cette thèse examine en particulier le rôle joué par l'établissement de cette norme dans les interventions et les non-interventions des Etats-Unis en Somalie (1992-1993), au Rwanda (1994), et au Kosovo (1999). Par l'évaluation du processus de l'établissement d'une norme aux niveaux individuel, domestique, et à celui des organisations internationales, cette thèse conclut que l'établissement de cette norme n'a joué qu'un rôle insignifiant, voir inexistant dans l'intervention des Etats-Unis en Somalie et au Kosovo et leur non-intervention au Rwanda. Mais ces cas démontrent également que la crédibilité et la viabilité des organisations internationales sont des facteurs qui jouent un rôle dans la décision d'intervenir ou non dans les crises humanitaires. fr

The European Community, today European Union, has been considered as a model to measure the success or failure of other Regional Integration Arrangements (RIAs). Harmonization can be understood as the promotion of convergence within different legal systems. Particularly in this case, harmonization of Member States' legislation has been a central legislative tool in establishing the internal market. However, harmonization, in areas such as technical standards and professional services, is not pursued as a main goal by all RIAs. This is because not all RIAs pursue the same degree of economic integration. / However, due to the fact that differences in national legislation in the above mentioned areas can constitute non-tariff barriers to trade and go against their ultimate goals, even RIAs pursuing lower levels of economic integration such as the formation of a free trade area (FTA) as NAFTA, have taken action directed towards the harmonization of their Member States legislation in the above mentioned areas. These actions may take place through different channels due to the different institutional structure accomplished by RIAs, but the goal pursued is the same: the harmonization of Member States' legislation in order to avoid non-tariff barriers to trade and promote economic integration.

This paper examines the failure of the United States to meaningfully respond to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, Sudan. Specifically it asserts that the U.S. response is markedly incongruent with the expected outcome of its rhetorical commitment to humanitarian intervention. Drawing on constructivist arguments, this paper suggests that this commitment is reflective of an emergent norm of humanitarian intervention. Given constructivism's limitations, however, the presence of this norm alone cannot predict its impact on policy formation. Therefore, this thesis considers the causal mechanisms posited by realism and liberalism. Through the realist lens this analysis suggests that U.S. policy makers perceive increased involvement in Darfur as compromising the American national interest. Alternatively, the liberal perspective emphasizes a lack of domestic preferences supporting intervention. Combining these realist and liberal findings with the constructivist potential for change ultimately suggests a route toward a more effective response to humanitarian crises. / Ce mémoire analyse l'échec du gouvernement américain pour résoudre de façon significative la crise de Darfour, à Soudan. Notamment, il constate que la réponse américaine est extrêmement disproportionnée par rapport à l'engagement rhétorique quant à l'intervention humanitaire. Faisant usage des arguments constructivistes, ce mémoire suggère que cet engagement reflète une norme émergente de l'intervention humanitaire. En revanche, étant donné les limitations du constructivisme, la seule présence de cette norme ne peut pas prédire son impact sur la création des politiques. C'est pourquoi ce mémoire considère les mécanismes de causalité exigés par le réalisme et le libéralisme. Du point de vue réaliste cette analyse suggère que, selon les hommes politiques américains, davantage de participation à Darfour compromettrait l'intérêt national américain. D'autre part, la perspective libérale souligne un manque des préférences domestiques soutenant l'intervention. Finalement, en combinant les connaissances réalistes et libérales avec le potentiel modificateur constructiviste, une route vers une réponse plus effective à des crises humanitaires est suggérée.

International lawyers and jurists have been employing terms varying from secession, partition, disintegration, and dissolution and referring to rights such as self-determination, minority rights, peoples rights and so on. However, there is not always a crystal clarity behind the terminological distinctions and legal issues. The resolution of various legal issues in separatist conflicts is often a complex matter. For instance, it is not possible to respond fully to separatism without understanding the implications of various underlying institutions and what appear frequently to be conflicting rights. (What is self-determination and how does it relate to separatism? What is the difference between an indigenous people and a minority? What is the difference between secession and partition?) This paper seeks to understand these institutions and rights as a means to providing a response to the particular issues raised in the context of separatism in Northern Ireland. As Northern Ireland also represents a territory born out of what is termed 'partition' it is hoped that this paper will reveal any significance between this form of separation and other forms such as, for example, 'secession'. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

It is indeed strange that the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), composed of all the present 183 member States, should have no powers in connection with the principal functions of the Organization (that is, the formulation of Standards and Recommended Practices); nor any over the appointment and creation of the Organization's principal officers and sub-organs. / Stranger still is the fact that even the little and insignificant powers that this Assembly might possess can be easily and constitutionally/conventionally "usurped", or interfered with, by the limited 33-member Council of the Organization. / Much more puzzling is the fact that this limited membership Council, which is normally supposed to be answerable to the Assembly, runs the Organization's entire business exclusively as it sees fit: Without the remaining 150 States having any means whatsoever of checking it. / The result of this strange arrangement has been that the majority of States simply cannot contribute to the advancement of the international aviation cause as they might have: had the universal organ had the voice and say that it now lacks. / The entire constitutional and political set-up of ICAO can hardly be justified in both the Schools of Democracy and of its corollary, the Supremacy of the Assemblies of international organizations. / A serious and meaningful re-evaluation of the ICAO framework and working methods to remedy the anomaly is therefore called for in the present study.

This thesis is aimed at challenging the conventional wisdom regarding trade and competition under the World Trade Organization, namely, that the WTO does not deal with competition matters. This thesis shows that this wisdom cannot be upheld when viewed in conjunction with Karl Wittgenstein's theories of language and with the panel and Appellate Body's decisions in United States-Anti-Dumping Act of 1916. / These decisions confirm the application of such theories to the WTO and indicate, first, that the WTO limits concerning trade and competition are not as clearly defined as followers of the conventional wisdom suggest, and, second, that the Appellate Body and future panels may be willing to incorporate other competition issues within the realm of the WTO, if they are properly presented before it by Member States. / A description of the existing state of the art concerning competition and international trade is presented.

The European Union has established "a new international legal order" whose success was ultimately reflected by the leading role the Community assumed in designing the world's economic agenda. However, the emergence of the Information society put to the test the efficiency of EU's economic and governmental model. The Information revolution challenged its ability to provide timely economic and legal policies to accommodate the existing business environment to technological innovations. As the Community was seemingly slow to react, it allowed the US to surpass it, temporarily, in the race for supremacy in the online economy. Nevertheless, the EU found in its Internal market and its unique legal system the resources to create a coherent and effective approach to e-commerce. It defeated "unflattering" predictions and eventually succeeded in imposing its own standards on the development of online commercial transactions.

This work examines the effect of three emerging satellite technologies on the use and regulation of what might be called Earth Orbital Space. The three new technologies, Direct Broadcasting Satellites (DBS), Global Mobile Personal Communication Services (GMPCS), and Global Navigation Satellite Services (GNSS), are being implemented in or planned for different portions of Earth Orbital Space: the geostationary orbit, low earth orbits, and medium earth orbits, respectively. / Each technology creates different challenges for the International Telecommunication Union which is the organization charged with their regulation. DBS services were regulated in the 1970s and early 1980s prior to their practical use. That early regulation appears, today, to be overly restrictive in many ways. / GMPCS, on the other hand, is now becoming a reality but lacks a solid legal structure to ensure that its potential for global wireless communication can be achieved. / GNSS provides yet a different challenge: that of providing for the civil utilization of military navigation systems. The deployment of these new technologies add to the increasing problem of congestion in the orbit-spectrum resource. / The final chapter details a number of different proposals aimed at increasing both equity and efficiency in the management of the orbit-spectrum resource.

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This Master's thesis aims to answer two questions: (1) Why do states sign international investment agreements (IIA)?; (2) What determines the substantive strength of these agreements? I use an event history analysis and an ordered logit model, respectively, to answer these questions. I find partial support for the hypothesis according to which the interests of capital-exporting states determine the pattern of IIA diffusion. While the results of my second test are somewhat inconclusive, they allow me to draw a number of interesting lessons for future research. / Ce mémoire de maîtrise a pour objectif de répondre à deux questions: (1) Pourquoi les États signent-ils des accords internationaux d'investissement (AII)?; (2) Qu'est-ce qui détermine la force de ces accords? J'utilise un modèle de survie et une régression logistique ordonnée, respectivement, pour répondre à ces deux questions. Les résultats de mon analyse supportent l'idée selon laquelle l'intérêt des pays exportateurs de capital est un déterminant important de la diffusion d'AIIs. Bien que les résultats de mon second test ne soient pas aussi co ncluants, ils indiquent clairement la route que devraient emprunter les travaux futurs sur le thème des IIAs.