This research aims to unravel whether joint policies and supranational solutions can be forged within the sui generis 'laboratory' of the European Parliament (EP). enabling a European collective identity to emerge rather than simply the sum of national sentiments, preferences and ambitions. In particular, it intends to ascertain whether vested national interests expressed by the various Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have been overcome within their respective political groups, on the way to becoming effective and cohesive parties at European level. In order to validate or refute the above hypothesis, foreign policy, traditionally regarded as a sacred domain and stronghold of the nation state, is taken as a yardstick. Whilst bearing in mind the EP's limited competence in this field, the question at the heart of the thesis is whether the European Parliament is likely to become a genuine international actor or whether it is likely to remain a forum for discussion, functioning as the 'voice of conscience' and 'dissent' of the Community and its member states. As such, the research explores the parliamentary dynamics behind the definition of a common position vis-a-vis two major events of the 1990s: the Gulf and the Yugoslav crises. A qualitative investigation into the role of the political groups combined with a quantitative analysis of MEP voting behaviour is carried out in order to assess the interactions within and between the political alignments of the polychromatic Europarliamentary spectrum with respect to the aforementioned cases. Whereas the political groups reached a level of internal cohesion vis-a-vis these crises, the views of the European Parliament appeared rather ambiguous due to intergroup divergences. It is the contention of this thesis that the political groups have come to constitute embryonic transnational political parties which are deemed to play an increasingly important role in the development of the European Parliament, in the evolution of party politics at European level as well as in the European Union's policy-making.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines what it means to be a rogue state in a world in which the international order is increasingly becoming interdependent. The last two U.S. administrations as well as the other major powers The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) has been labeled by as a pariah state exhibiting rogue behavior. This thesis analyzes the varied and competing views of the international order and measures how North Korea does or does not fit the parameters of what it means to be a normal state. Since its creation in 1948, North Korea has pursued policies of limited engagement heavily influenced by an ideology that markedly contradicts the commonly accepted values and principles of the majority of the states in the international system. After the Cold War, the DPRK has further alienated the other players in the system with continued proliferation attempts as well as brinkmanship negotiating behavior. In order for the current Six Party Talks to be successful, the major powers involved need to understand the perspective with which north Korea views the international order. / First Lieutenant, United States Air Force

Although the United States has maintained a one-China policy since 1972, U.S. actions have upheld de facto Taiwan sovereignty in the face of Chinese threats of forceful reunification. This seemingly contradictory American stance has focused Chinese attention on the Taiwan issue and the U.S. role in perpetuating it. The growing economic interdependence between Taiwan and the mainland make peaceful reunification a plausible exigency. If China no longer needs to worry about this historical thorn in its paw, it is logical it would divert its attention and energies elsewhere. This thesis examines the current state of economic, socio-political, and military considerations between the United States and the People's Republic of China to infer the likelihood of either cooperation or contention between the two nations in a post-reunification era. The thesis argues that endemic suspicion and competition between China and the United States make moot the possible amelioration in relations a PRC-ROC reunification might present. The thesis concludes that American policy should be tailored to address the Chinese challenge in a post-unification world.

This thesis examines the procurement of fighter aircraft as an indication of transatlantic relations. Specifically it asks if European rationale toward purchasing the Joint Strike Fighter indicates its position toward increasing military capabilities and the importance placed on defense cooperation with the United States. Certain observers have suggested that the relentless U.S. pursuit of technology in the â Revolution in Military Affairsâ has exacerbated the capabilities gap and encouraged the U.S. to act unilaterally. This thesis argues the JSF offers allies a means to circumvent recent damage done in the Atlantic Alliance. Through a case study of four countries â expectedâ to purchase the JSF to replace U.S.-made F-16 aircraft, this thesis concludes that rationale for some who have heretofore abstained from the program is worrisome, but the fact that some are electing to pursue other choices indicates further divergences in the transatlantic realm. Through the views of these countries and looking at the larger picture, the JSF will further divide Europe and the U.S. in defense relations, as the pursuit of military technology threatens to drive the U.S. away from multilateralism and toward a â buy our equipment or be left outâ stance on the so-called network centric battlefield.

The Indian navy has undergone several periods of expansion in its short history which have signaled significant change in the Indian Ocean region. It is currently undergoing another. This thesis examines the current expansion, and interprets it in light of the Indian navyâ s maritime strategy. It focuses on three elements critical to all strategy, but which are especially relevant in this case: national interests, perceived threats and naval capabilities. A change in any of the three elements usually signals and requires analogous change at the strategic level. This thesis reveals that there has been an increase in all three elements, which forecasts an immense increase in Indiaâ s strategic ambitions at sea, and further naval expansion.

In this thesis, the possibilities of tourism as a strategy for economic and social development in Peru are presented. Through the examination of previous governments, beginning with the Belaunde administration in 1963, the obstacles that Peru has faced in route to development are identified. Identification of the predominant issues at hand, unemployment, poverty and inequality, allows for further analysis of the policies implemented to stabilize the economy as well as provide immediate solutions for the above mentioned points of concern. It becomes clear that while the country is rich in resources, beyond natural resources such as crude oil and minerals, the promotion and enhancement of the tourism industry has rarely been used as a means of earning revenue. While there are a number of options to consider with regard to developmental strategies, the tourism industry presents definite opportunities for growth. These benefits are closely examined in this thesis, demonstrating how much Peru has to offer, not only to tourists who seek to broaden their cultural knowledge but most importantly to the Peruvian people, by way of a robust tourism sector. / US Naval Reserve (USNR) author.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / the dignity of the human person and the principle of solidarity shaped the Holy See's perception of its interests and the substance of the Pope's diplomacy. In making the argument, the thesis considers the Holy See's role in international relations; the development of modern Catholic social teaching since Pope Leo XIII's 1891 encyclical, Rerum Novarum; and case studies of John Paul II's diplomacy with respect to Israel, Lebanon, and the wars with Iraq.

After approximately forty years as enemies, South Korea and China normalized relations in 1992. This change has accelerated the growth of both of their already booming economies. Beyond that, it has helped propel Beijing into a pivotal role of influence since it now maintains friendly relations with both Koreas, currently the only country to do so. Nearly fifteen years after this normalization, South Korea and China still enjoy a strong relationship that generally continues to improve. Surprisingly, North Korea does not seem to oppose its staunch ally befriending its primary rival. This improving relationship and the effect it has on both states' approaches to North Korean crises hold vast implications for the changing power structure in the region and for the United States' role in Asia. This thesis assesses which traditional international relations paradigm, Realism or Liberalism, provides the best insights into why South Korea and China desire a strong relationship with each other, find stronger support for Liberalism in South Korea and for an adapted version of Realism in China. Furthermore, it examines North Koreaâ s position toward this growing relationship and the implications of it for Pyongyang. Finally, this thesis analyzes the implications for Japan and the United States and offers recommendations for U.S. policy makers.

Since Israel came into existence in 1948, the relationship between Washington and Tel Aviv has been unique and controversial. The conventional wisdom suggests that the relationship between the United States and Israel is driven by moral affinities and strategic reasoning. In March 2006, John Mearsheimer and Steven Walt suggested that Jewish interest groups and their persuasive tactics are the only reasons for continued U.S. support to Israel. This thesis described the different factors that promote close U.S.-Israel relations and identifies a competing explanation for U.S. support for Israel based on evangelical ideology. / US Army (USA) author.

U.S. Counter IED (C-IED) efforts continue to be directed at combating IEDs in Iraq and Afghanistan, however, as terrorists broaden their target selection standards, so too should the U.S. broaden its C-IED efforts. IED attacks and IED terror campaigns are currently occurring all over the world, yet America is unprepared to prevent an IED terror campaign in the homeland. This thesis will propose how to prevent a domestic IED terror campaign by utilizing the intelligence triggers indications and warnings, and open source intelligence as well as placing increased emphasis on the importance of international and interagency cooperation. The benefits of this thesis could be the development of a methodology for intelligence sharing between federal agencies, state authorities, and local U.S. law enforcement personnel against an aspect of terrorism that has not yet affected America. / US Army (USA) author.