An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.

An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.

An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

In the last decade of last century, the advent of the Internet as the predominant medium of communication for the masses prompted countless observers and social sciences scholars to predict the end of physical borders; a revolution in the way we understood the nation-state and the concept of sovereignty. The Internet, a medium that seemed not to be confined to the same territorial delimitations that traditional media was subjected to, would simultaneously represent and promote the achievement of the “one world” scenario that globalization promised; a world in which information could flow free from governmental control and official censorship. Thus, the ideological foundation of authoritarian regimes, such as that of the People’s Republic of China, faced a dire threat – or so the theory went. Today, fifteen years after the Chinese incursion into cyberspace, the veil of idealism and simplistic thinking that elicited those initial claims has been lifted from our eyes, and recent events have further demonstrated that the web is still subject, and will continue to be subject, to territorial delimitation. This reality was further illustrated in June 2010 with the publication of the first Chinese White Paper entirely dedicated to the Internet, which revealed the overarching principle guiding Beijing’s Internet control efforts: the assertion of what it calls “Internet sovereignty”, the supreme authority by the Chinese Communist Party to control which kind of information enters its borders through the Internet and is spread within. While China is not the only country trying to restrict the access of online information from abroad to its borders, it is the first country in the world to actually make an official plea sovereignty over the Web. However, despite the boldness of its content, Section V of the Internet White Paper sparked “outrage, concern, but surprisingly not much discussion”. Ever since the first connection was established in the country, the examination of the political aspects of the Chinese Internet has mainly revolved around the issues of censorship and surveillance. Yet, the spat between the Chinese government and Internet giant Google raised the stakes in the debate considerably, as it prompted the Chinese Communist Party to make explicit its claims of sovereignty over the Internet and advance its strategy of fragmentation of the Web; something that a few years ago was considered nearly impossible. For this reason, this study seeks to answer the question: How does the Chinese government intend to apply its national sovereignty, which has traditionally been understood primarily in geographical terms, to a medium that seems to be exempt of geographical location?

En la presente tesis de maestría de telecomunicaciones titulada “Evaluación del Impacto de los Mecanismos de Control de Error en la Calidad de Servicio de Telefonía IP basado en Asterisk sobre una Red Inalámbrica de Banda Ancha en la Provincia de Tayacaja - Huancavelica” se describe el proceso y los elementos de la transmisión de VoIP en las redes LAN inalámbricas, se evalúa los diversos mecanismos de control de error existentes y particularmente se indica el más adecuado para la red LAN inalámbrica. Por otro lado, se analizan los parámetros de calidad de servicio y su relación en el servicio de VoIP, identificando los elementos que degradan la calidad de la voz que un usuario percibe en una comunicación como el retardo, la pérdida de paquetes, variación de retardo, latencia extremo a extremo, errores binarios en el canal de transmisión. En ese sentido, también se describe el proceso de medición de calidad de la VoIP basado en los estándares de la UIT. Se propone unas estrategias de mejora del sistema de comunicaciones para VoIP en entorno WLAN bajo la operación mayoritaria DCF restringiendo la operación del mecanismo de retransmisión WLAN al tiempo máximo permitido por la aplicación y la memoria de reproducción del receptor. Se investigan estos mecanismos de retransmisión básicos de WLAN y los mismos interactuando con la memoria de reproducción y la limitación temporal de la aplicación. Para ello, se realiza una definición de un modelo de simulación para encontrar los resultados; los cuales indican una mejora en el rendimiento ya que mantienen el nivel de calidad en entornos inalámbricos hostiles como los de una tasa de error peor de 10-4. / Tesis

1980年代以來，國家在資訊化資本主義（Informational capitalism）/數字資本主義（Digtal Capitalism）氛圍的引導下進入資訊科技發展的境界，國家職能與組織建制被導入不斷的調整之中，這都是為了配合資訊化的技術變革所必然做出的改變。環繞著資訊科技發展，對於政治、經濟、乃至於社會生活等，已經由於資訊科技典範的存在，形成了一個網絡（Network）。這個網絡，無固定界限且不斷重組，並對我們傳統理解社會發展的邏輯有著全然不同的影響。網絡化邏輯漸漸成為社會生活的主流趨勢。中國大陸在推動改革開放後，受到資訊化資本主義/數字資本主義氛圍的影響，亦必須放到這個網絡下來觀察，換言之，不再是以傳統的政治取向為主，而是一種融合政治、經濟、社會、文化等各向度的觀察。 本論文使用新制度主義（new-Institutionalism）的研究途徑作為切入點，探討中國大陸網路發展的政治建構，並應用文獻分析法（Document analysis）、內容分析法（Content analysis）、參與觀察法（Particpant observation）等研究方法輔助研究進行。第一，在被解釋項方面，瞭解中國大陸發展網際網路（Internet）的選擇，是因應國際環境發展抑或是改革開放政策所需，從國際環境到中國大陸國內環境來看如何影響中國大陸網際網路發展。第二，找出主要行動者，本研究主要的行動者，是中國大陸網際網路政策制訂者（國家/中國共產黨執政菁英），瞭解中國大陸一黨專政的政府如何制訂網際網路發展政策。第三，分析行動者資源，所謂資源，指的是中共在發展網際網路上的人力，包括國家機關的人員配置、網民的成員數目；物力則包括資訊基礎建設規模；動員能力則包括中共領導能力、管控度，社會運動以及最後的意識型態的合法性。這些資源的變化往往會影響中國大陸網際網路發展過程中制度的建立、維持與衰退。第四，探討行動者之間的關係，從法律層面可以看出中國大陸對網際網路發展的政治建構過程中的影響，藉由這些法規，我們可以見到中國共產黨與人民在網際網路上的制度關係，不過可以進一步討論還包括行動者對這些法規所做出反應？是反抗/遵循。第五，評估這些制度性關係對於被解釋項的影響，當我們從實際行政層面與法律層面瞭解了行動者之間的制度性關係後，就要評估在整個中國大陸網路發展架構之下，國際環境與國內環境對於中國大陸網路發展的政治建構有哪些制度性關係。最後，提出研究發現、研究限制與後續研究建議。 本論文的基本內容，主要由下面六個章節構成： 第一章 導論，首先提出研究假設，就網際網路做為一種媒介力量，運用支配性媒介與多元主義式媒介兩種模式，對中國大陸網路發展所產生離心（Centrifugal）/向心（Centripetal）的情況，區分出四種假設觀點進而提出研究問題。其次，提出新制度主義研究途徑與文獻分析法（Document analysis）、內容分析法（Content analysis）、參與觀察法（Particpant observation）等研究方法，共同建構了理論分析框架。最後針對網路社會研究定義與中國大陸網路發展相關中、英文獻進行檢閱與整理。 第二章 中國大陸資訊化與網際網路之發展與應用。分析指出中國大陸是在經歷文革動亂後，所面對的是以西方資訊化為主導的資本主義體系，是以資訊科技為基礎的加速發展的全球化形勢。並成功由國家主義轉變為由國家所引導的資本主義，並整合進入全球經濟網絡之中。在資訊化浪潮（NII；GII）的帶動下，中國大陸所要推動的資訊化發展戰略，既非西方國家的道路—先工業化再資訊化，也非貿然捨棄工業化直接推動資訊化，而是發揮中國大陸的後發優勢（Advantage of Backwardness），將工業化和資訊化結合起來，推動產業結構的升級，實現國民經濟跨越式發展。因此，網際網路成為中共資訊化發展的重要核心。 第三章 中國大陸網民社會結構分析。依據目前中國大陸官方與民間公認具有權威的網路發展研究中心「中國互聯網絡信息中心」的統計調查報告為基礎，採用的便是1999-2006年間，「中國互聯網絡信息中心」所公布歷次網際網路發展狀況統計調查資料，予以進行比對分析其網民社會規模與網民行為特徵的發展趨勢。 第四章 中共對網際網路的管控。將中共管控網路的原因、原則、體制演變、實際作為與立法條例等予以清楚分析。第一，除資訊流通所導致的負面效應（如色情氾濫、賭博、毒品、散播病毒、詐騙、駭客等）外，中共在政治層面管控網路原因還包括開放的網路資訊（中國大陸內部及國際）傳播與「和平演變」、網路殖民主義的威脅。第二，中共為列寧主義（Leninism）一黨專政的國家，對於網路發展會超越其權限管轄是不容許的。因此在管控原則上，中共對網路管控的總體原則就是積極發展、加強管理、趨利避害、為我所用。第三，中國大陸的網際網路管控體制，基本上與資訊產業發展有關，其演變可分為三個階段：一是1994年以前的實驗時期體制（Experimental Era Regime）；二是1994年至1998年的過渡管理體制（Transitional Regulatory Regime）；三是1998年經中共九屆全國人大會議，決議裁併原先郵電部及電子工業部而成立信息產業部（Ministry of Information Industry）。第四，在管控網路戰略上，管控網路上流通訊息方法可分為：「非技術性網路監察戰略」（Non-Technological Internet Censorship Strategies）與「技術性網路監察戰略」（Technological Internet Censorship Strategies）兩種。在實際管控網路作為上可分為十二種，包括內部網的管控與過濾軟體的篩檢、防火牆、網路技術軟、硬體控制、國家工作人員對內容進行監控、成立舉報電話與網站、招募網評員引導網上輿論、實施網路實名制、要求國內外科技公司協助管控網路、設置網路警察、對網吧的管制、擴建官方與中文網站、以價制量管控網民瀏覽國外網路資訊、網德宣傳與行業自律等等。第五，中共在網路立法條例中存在著中央統一領導和一定程度分權的，多級並存、多類結合的立法許可權劃分。 第五章 網路興起對中共執政能力的挑戰與影響。首先，分析改革開放以來的中共執政能力弱化的原因，包括社會結構不穩定、社會矛盾問題加深、黨政功能弱化。其次，分析網路傳播對中共執政能力的挑戰，包括網路傳播突破中共管制「輿論一律」與衝擊共黨意識型態的建構。最後，分析網路興起對中共執政下中國大陸民主化的影響，從學界普遍存在的三種論述角度（肯定論、否定論、懷疑論），予以評析。 第六章 結論。第一，在研究發現部分，引用Wei Wu在1996年觀察中國大陸網際網路發展狀況時，曾經提出中國大陸網路發展的七項缺點，進行整體研究的檢證與反思。第二，在研究限制與檢討部分，針對研究文獻蒐集、網路發展的動態與中共政權的封閉性等進行研究限制與檢討的分析。第三，在後續研究建議部分，針對理論分析架構與研究方法的反思，提出後續研究議題與方向的建議。 總體而言，網際網路所呈現出來的虛擬特質與現實政治權力的轉換，在中共這樣一個專制政體中，網路是否可以進一步成為轉換中共一黨專政權力的工具，這在學界的研究中，顯示存在著截然不同的觀點（肯定論、否定論、懷疑論）。不過可以確定的是，網路對於中國大陸的開放、自由化有一定的作用，不過也對中共合法化其執政能力有進一步的幫助。關鍵在於，中國大陸的改革開放是否會持續下去；改革及開放的幅度是否會繼續擴大。可以期待的是，隨著中國大陸改革開放的幅度增大，社會經濟發展進步，當民眾普遍擁有經濟與知識條件上網時，縱使在取得資訊資源所有權上有其困難度，侷限在中共的控制與支配之下，但其實恰好也代表中共管控網路的型態正在逐漸瓦解。筆者相信，中國大陸網路發展將建築在人際關係之上，而並非透過所有權關係被實現，個體將被賦予能力，大陸民眾透過網路的普遍使用，將從中共一黨專政的威權中解放出來，網路將成為加速中國大陸民主化寧靜革命的催化器。 / Since the 1980s, the country has entered the state of IT development with the introduction of Informational Capitalism/ Digital Capitalism and the national function and organizational construction have been led to continuous adjustments. These were the necessary change to comply with informational technique reform. It was surrounded with IT development and for political, economic and social lives, they formed a network because of the existence of IT paragon and the surrounding of IT. The network had no regular boundary and constantly recombined which revealed totally different influence on our traditional logic understanding social development. Network logic gradually became the mainstream in social lives. After facilitating the reform and liberation, China was influenced by the air of Informational capitalism/Digital Capitalism and it must manage the observation under this network. In other words, it was no longer based on traditional political orientation; instead, it was the observation combing the dimensions such as politics, economy, society and culture. This paper used the research channel of neo-Institutionalism as the start to explore the political construction of Internet development in China and employed the research methods such as document analysis, Content analysis and Participant observation to support the study. First of all, as to the explanatory aspects, the paper tried to understand if China’s selection to develop Internet was to respond to international environment development or for the policy of reform and liberation. The paper then explored the influences from the whole international environment to the domestic environment of China on Internet development in China. Secondly, the researcher found out the major actors. The major actors in this research were the Internet policy makers of China (national/the political elite of the Communist Party of China). The paper tried to understand how the one-party dictatorial government of China established Internet development policy. Thirdly, the researcher analyzed the actors’ resources. So-called resources meant the human resource of China for developing Internet, including the human deployment of national institutions and the number of Internet users; material resources included information-based construction scale; mobilization capacity included the ability of Chinese leaders, degree of control, social movement and the legitimacy of ideology. The change of these resources usually would influence the establishment, maintenance and declination of the system during the process of Internet development in China. Fourthly, the paper explored the relations among the actors. From legal aspects, we can realize Chinese influence on the political construction process of Internet development. Through these regulations, we can find out the institutional relation between the Chinese Communists and people on Internet. However, we can further discuss the actors’ reaction to these regulations. Did they rebel against or follow it? Fifthly, the researcher evaluated the influence of these institutional relations on explanatory aspects. After we understand the institutional relations among the actors from the actual administrative and legal aspects, we have to find out the institutional relations between international and domestic environments and political construction of Internet development in China under the framework of Internet development in China. Finally, the researcher proposed the research findings, limitations and suggestions for future studies. The basic content of this paper mainly consists of the following 6 chapters: Chapter Introduction: the researcher initially proposed the hypotheses, by treating Internet as a kind of media and using the models of dominant media and pluralism media upon Centrifugal/Centripetal situations of Internet development in China, allocated four assumption views and further proposed the research questions Secondly, the researcher proposed the research methods such as neo-Institutionalism, document analysis, Content analysis and Participant observation to collectively construct the framework of theoretical analysis. Finally, the researcher reviewed and reorganized the Chinese and English literatures with respect to the research definitions of Internet society and Chinese Internet development. Chapter 2 discusses the development and application of Chinese informationalism and Internet. The analysis indicated that after the Cultural Revolution, China faced the capitalism system based on Western informationalism and it was the accelerated IT-based global trend. China successfully transformed from nationalism into capitalism led by the country and was integrated in the global economic network. Under the wave of informationalism (NII,GII), the informational development strategies facilitated by China was not the way of Western countries—first industrialization and then informationalism and it did not directly promote informationalism and eliminate industrialization; instead, China fulfilled the Late-Developing Advantage and combined industrialization and informationalism to promote the upgrading of industry structure and carry out cross-development of national economy. Thus, Internet became the key of informational development of China. Chapter 3 is the social structure analysis of Chinese Internet users. According to statistical report of the Internet development research center acknowledged by official and private institutions at present, “CNNIC”, the researcher adopted the historical statistical survey data of Internet development announced by “CNNIC” from 1999 to 2006 to compare and analyze the developing trends of social scale and behavioral characteristics of Internet users. Chapter 4 discusses the Chinese control over Internet. The researcher clearly analyzed the reasons, principles of Chinese control of Internet, the development of systems, actual acts and legal regulations First of all, besides the negative effects caused by information flow (such as porno spreading, gambling, drugs, virus spreading, fraud and hackers), the reasons for Chinese to control Internet in political aspect also included liberal Internet information (Mainland China and the world) transmission and peace development and the threat of Internet colonialism. Secondly, China was the country of one-party governance of Leninism and it did not allow the Internet development to go beyond the limit of its authority. Therefore, as to control principle, the overall principles of Chinese control over Internet were active development, management enhancement, approaching benefits and avoiding disadvantages. Thirdly, Chinese Internet control system was basically related to information industry development. The evolution could be divided into three regimes: the first was the Experimental Era Regime before 1994; the second was the Transitional Regulatory Regime from 1994 to 1998; the third was the Ministry of Information Industry established from the original Ministry of Post and Telecommunications and Ministry of Electronics Industry upon the resolution of the 9th Chinese National People’s Congress in 1998. Fourthly, as to control Internet strategies, the message flow methods of control Internet could be allocated into two kinds: “Non-Technological Internet Censorship Strategies” and “Technological Internet Censorship Strategies”. As to actual Internet control, it could be divided into 12 kinds, including Internet network control and the selection of screening software, fire wall, software and hardware control of Internet techniques, national workers’ supervision on content, establishment of report phone call and website, recruitment of Internet critic to lead on-line discussion, practice of on-line name system, requirement on domestic and oversea technology companies to assist with Internet control, installation of Internet police, control over Internet bars, expansion on official and Chinese networks, controlling the Internet users’ browsing on oversea Internet information by prices, Internet morality promotion and self-discipline of industry. Fifthly, there were the lawmaking permission divisions of central unified leading and certain degrees of right division, multi-level co-existence and multiple combinations in Internet regulations. Chapter 5 presents the challenge and influence of the rise of Internet on Chinese governing ability. First of all, the researcher analyzed the reasons of declining governing ability of China since the reform and liberation, including unstable social structure, deeper social contradictory and declining party and the government administration. Secondly, the researcher analyzed the challenge of Internet transmission on Chinese governing ability, including Internet transmission breaking through “public opinion as a whole” of Chinese control and the construction of influencing the ideology of Communist Party. Finally, the researcher analyzed the influence of the rise of Internet on Chinese democratization under Chinese governance and analyzed through three statement angles generally existed in academia (positivie view,negative view and skeptical view ). Chapter 6 is the conclusion: Firstly, as to research findings, the researcher cited Wei Wu’s proposal of 7 disadvantages of Chinese Internet development when he observed the Internet developing situation of China in 1996 to manage the examination and reflection on overall study. Secondly, as to research limitation and review, the researcher managed the analysis of research limitation and review with respect to research literature collection, Internet development and the closeness of Chinese regime. Thirdly, with regard to suggestions for future studies, the researcher proposed the suggestions for future study issues and directions with respect to theoretical analysis framework and reflection of research methods. In the studies of academia, there were totally different views (positivie view, negative view and skeptical view ) with respect to the transformation of virtual characteristics presented by Internet and realistic political power and if Internet can further become the tool to transform Chinese one-party tyrannical power such Chinese tyrannical regime. However, one thing can be sure is that Internet functioned with respect to the liberation of China; nevertheless, it was helpful for China’s legalization of their governing ability. The key is in that if the reform and liberation of China will continue and if the scope will keep on expanding. What we can expect is that with the increase of reform and liberation in China and advancement of social and economic development, the people generally can use Internet under economic and knowledgeable condition and even they have difficulty to acquire the ownership of information resources and are limited to Chinese control and dominance, it also shows that the pattern of Chinese Internet control is breaking down. The writer believes that Internet development of China will be based on impersonal relationships instead of carried out by ownership relationships and the individual will be empowered with capacities. Through the general use of Internet, Chinese people will be liberated from Chinese one-party authority and Internet will become the catalysis accelerating the peaceful revolution of democratization in China.

Denial of service attacks (DoS) are a common threat to many online services. These attacks aim to overcome the availability of an online service with massive traffic from multiple sources. By spoofing legitimate users, an attacker floods a target system with a high quantity of packets or connections to crash its network resources, bandwidth, equipment, or servers. Packet filtering methods are the most known way to prevent these attacks via identifying and blocking the spoofed attack from reaching its target. In this project, the extent of the DoS attacks problem and attempts to prevent it are explored. The attacks categories and existing countermeasures based on preventing, detecting, and responding are reviewed. Henceforward, a neural network learning algorithms and statistical analysis are utilized into the designing of our proposed packet filtering system.

This work is about position prediction in network, it is focused to find Landmark closest to the Host in the network (with lowest distance vector). The algorithm is based on GNP system. In terms of GNP system simulation was selected method for mathematical part of position prediction. The method was Simplex Downhill. The designed algorithm was implemented in Java. In the first step chose Host continent by meassuring the distance vector. In next step is selected nearest part in the continent. In conclusion estimate Host its position and then closest Landmark. Results from this work is important for designing TTP protocol. The verdict is that the GNP can be used for TTP, but Landmarks must be located in uniform density.

Thema dieser Arbeit ist die Entwicklung eines Kommunikationsteilsystems fuer das Experimentiersystem CHEOPS zur Ermoeglichung einer Interobjektkommunika- tion zwischen Objekten auf dem gleichen bzw. verschiedenen Systemen. Ausgangspunkte stellen dabei eine verfuegbare Implementation eines Ethernet- Treibers der Kartenfamilie WD80x3 fuer MS-DOS, eine geforderte Kommunikations- moeglichkeit mit UNIX-Prozessen sowie die dort benutzbaren Protokoll-Familien dar. Die Arbeit beschaeftigt sich mit der Analyse und Konzipierung des Ethernet- Treibers sowie der Internet-Protokoll-Familie fuer CHEOPS als auch deren Implementation resultierend in einem minimalen Grundsystem. Weiterhin wird ein erster Entwurf fuer ein spaeter weiterzuentwickelndes bzw. zu vervoll- staendigendes Netz-Interface vorgeschlagen und durch eine Beispiel-Implemen- tierung belegt.

Thema dieser Arbeit ist die Entwicklung eines Kommunikationsteilsystems fuer das Experimentiersystem CHEOPS zur Ermoeglichung einer Interobjektkommunika- tion zwischen Objekten auf dem gleichen bzw. verschiedenen Systemen. Ausgangspunkte stellen dabei eine verfuegbare Implementation eines Ethernet- Treibers der Kartenfamilie WD80x3 fuer MS-DOS, eine geforderte Kommunikations- moeglichkeit mit UNIX-Prozessen sowie die dort benutzbaren Protokoll-Familien dar. Die Arbeit beschaeftigt sich mit der Analyse und Konzipierung des Ethernet- Treibers sowie der Internet-Protokoll-Familie fuer CHEOPS als auch deren Implementation resultierend in einem minimalen Grundsystem. Weiterhin wird ein erster Entwurf fuer ein spaeter weiterzuentwickelndes bzw. zu vervoll- staendigendes Netz-Interface vorgeschlagen und durch eine Beispiel-Implemen- tierung belegt.