This report examines the legacy of “mirrors for princes” literature, or advice literature for kings, in Iranian political thought, particularly in the modern period. While most scholars have studied ‘mirrors’ literature as a predominantly medieval phenomenon, this report argues that the genre and the ideals of kingship it articulates continued to flourish well into the modern period in Iran. Through an analysis of themes found both in the medieval Persian texts and the ‘mirrors’ composed in the Safavid and Qajar periods, this report demonstrates a remarkable continuity in the genre and in the ideology of kingship throughout centuries of dynastic and structural changes in Iran. Moreover, although the genre of ‘mirrors’ appears to have faded with the Qajar dynasty, this report shows how its ideology of kingship continued to influence the rhetoric of political legitimacy in the Pahlavi period. Muhammad Reza Shah in particular relied on the office of the king and his duties of executing justice and protecting Islam to justify both the necessity of the monarchy and his right to the throne. / text

This thesis analyzes Shirin Neshat’s Women of Allah photographs by exploring key socio-political events that have shaped Iranian history since the reign of Cyrus the Great, ca. 600 B.C. Since Neshat’s photographs have been largely intended for a Western audience, it is important to explore the concept of colonialism that has created East/West polarities and so greatly influenced our modern era. This paper intends to demonstrate that Neshat’s images perpetuate Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism, which allocates the Oriental to an inferior position vis-à-vis his Occidental counterpart. For a Western audience, Neshat’s consistent use of the Muslim veil, illegible Persian calligraphy, and guns symbolizes Islam’s violence and degeneracy; additionally, these elements position the Muslim woman as a subaltern entity in an archaic society. As a result, the Iranian Muslim woman remains restricted by her social, cultural, and religious praxis, as well as by Neshat’s formal and contextual depiction of her.

This dissertation looks at the dialectical relationship between Persian literary works representing or alluding to the pre-Islamic legacy and the political conditions of Iran. Through discursive analyses, it shows that these works in new political conditions change the orientation and main thrust of their message, and use or allude to the same pre-Islamic legacy for promoting modernization, criticizing official policies or showing resistance to the ruling establishment. The main thrust of their arguments also subtly indicates the country's future intellectual and political orientation.A transition from the traditional to modern use of antiquity took place during the second half of the nineteenth century, mainly as a result of increased interaction with Europe. Until the fall of the Qajarids, the Persian intellectuals and writers such as Akhundzadah, Dihkhuda used pre-Islamic legacy to support their arguments for modernization. Later, the despotic Pahlavi rulers (1925-79) sought to modernize the country but stifled the democratic evolution of polity and employed the pre-Islamic Persian heritage to strengthen monarchy. Hence, the Persian fiction writers such as Hidayat, Shahani, Danishwar dissociated themselves from official nationalism and used pre-Islamic heritage in non-glorifying ways to criticize the official policies.After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the new rulers reversed the Pahlavi official policy of glorifying the pre-Islamic Iran, and projected Shi'i Islam as the central element of Iranian identity. In their efforts to create Islamic subjects, they deprived people many of their civil and political rights. In the new political environment, the fiction writers such as Danishwar, Sadiqi and Arian showed remarkable interest in using pre-Islamic mythological and historical references, themes and events in their writings. Such literary production functioned as a literary resistance to the policies of the Islamist rulers.To substantiate the findings about the use of pre-Islamic legacy in modern Persian literature, the dissertation also examined the representation of Iranian antiquity in Persian films. The dissertation showed that the political representation of pre-Islamic heritage in Persian literature finds a parallel, though less pronounced, in Persian films too.

This dissertation is a comparative case study of British policy towards and perceptions of Persia/Iran during the latter's two modern revolutions, 1906-1909 (Constitutional) and 1976-1979 ('Islamic'). The study covers both official perceptions and policy, meaning that of the Foreign Office and Diplomatic Service and the perceptions of the press, civil society, Parliament and wider public opinion; thus it is not a traditional exercise in diplomatic history. It explores British views of both the Shah/government and opposition forces during these two periods in detail and presents these views in a comparative perspective. The research paints a broad social and historical picture of how changes in both British and Iranian government, society and global status affected their mutual relations. Key themes relate to how the decline of (Edwardian) Liberalism, the transformation of the Left in the twentieth century and Britain's decline as an imperial power affected its perceptions and policy-making in Iran; how civil society and public opinion exerted a disproportionately strong influence in the earlier period before Britain was even a fully democratic society; how notions of Orientalism and Aryanism shaped official and public perceptions; and how changing geopolitics impacted perceptions, particularly in the case of Tsarist Russia versus the Soviet Union. This study has revealed numerous counter-intuitive points about the foreign relations and perceptions of British government and society vis-à-vis Iran and prompts a reconsideration of the evolution of British public and official attitudes during the twentieth century as manifested in the case of Iran at two critical historical junctures.

This study examines the relationship between oil development and social change in Iran. The research focused on the years since 1953 examining the economic structure through the five development plans which were the major vehicles of social transformation. Within this framework the importance of oil, industrialization, land reform,, the labor force, education and health are discussed. Demographic and stratification changes are covered such as changingpopulation patterns, migration, minorities, social classes, and the distribution of wealth. Cultural and social values are then treated with emphasis on the Shah and arms, social control and social behavior. The paper concludes: oil revenues were frequently squandered without real socio-economic benefit to the masses. Economic's mismanagement and rigid social control increases pressures in society causing the 1978 revolution.

This study investigates the causes of the Iranian revolution of 1978-79. To this end, the different theories of revolution are reviewed in Chapter One. Chapter Two provides a discussion of the historical background of the country and the role the clergy played in shaping its political development. Socioeconomic and political factors which contributed to the outbreak of this revolution are examined in the following two chapters. Finally, an attempt is made to draw some conclusions on whether existing theories of revolution can fully explain the Iranian upheaval of 1978-79 or not. For the preparation of this study United States government documents and Iranian and English language scholarly works were consulted.

The constitutional revolution of 1905 is seen to result from the impact of Western political values on Iran's traditional society. Reza Shah's dictatorship is explained in the context of compromise between feudalism and growing capitalism. The roles and interactions of nationalism, religion, communism and political parties in Iran, particularly during 1945-1953, shows they were the reflection of profound changes within society. The Shah's policies were politically motivated; they caused social dislocation and the politicization of the peasantry. The regime's failure to respond to these forces brought about its isolation. We confirm Huntington's concept of political development and decay. Iran's changes of discontinuity and violence are seen clearly. This study recommends the strengthening of the political channels of communication for Iran.

La Révolution Islamique de 1979 met fin à la monarchie constitutionnelle puis au ministère public en tentant de remédier aux difficultés récurrentes rencontrées par le système judiciaire depuis le début du siècle. Les institutions, furent complètement remaniées, dans l’intérêt du nouveau régime et afin de mettre en place, en rénovant le lien historique entre religions et institutions, une version politisée de l’Islam. Les révolutionnaires, insuffisamment préparés, manquant d’expérience et de connaissances, constatèrent l’échec des nouvelles politiques en matière judiciaire. Le ministère public était indispensable à l’exécution des missions régaliennes de maintien de la sécurité intérieure et de l’ordre public ainsi qu’au fonctionnement de la justice. Cette institution, présente sous des formes archaïques depuis l’antiquité et modernisée lors de la Révolution Constitutionnelle du début du XXème siècle, fut rétablie en 2002. / The Islamic Revolution of 1979 broke up the constitutional monarchy then disbanded the public prosecution institution to make an attempt to solve the chronic issues encountered by the judicial system since the beginning of the century. The institutional system was entirely overhauled, in the interest of the new system and in the purpose to establish a new model integrating the historical link between religion and institutions with a political kind of Islam. The revolutionaries, barely prepared, lacking of experience and knowledge, noticed the failure of the new judicial politics. The public prosecution was essential to the fulfillment of the regalian functions, including the maintenance of public order and domestic security, along with the functioning of justice. This institution, existing under varied shapes since antiquity and modernized in the beginning of the century with the constitutional Revolution, has been restored in 2002.