No description available.

M.A. / The history of Islam in modern times is essentially the history of the Western impact on the Muslim society. The Islamic religion assumed a position as the ultimate and final revelation versus Christianity and Judaism. Islam also developed its own unique civilisation within the religious parameters that were different from those in the West. With territorial expansion the two worlds had an impact on each other. Although contact had taken place before, the Crusades were the first major impact of the West on the Islamic world. With the decline of the OttomarrEmpire and the subsequent colonial expansion into the Islamic world, the adoption of Western views and influences were increasingly seen as being progressive, while those of the Islamic world represented stagnation. Together with colonisation came the mind set of the Western world towards the Islamic world that influenced perceptions, as well as policies. With modernisation came disillusionment that resulted in the questioning of what the West had to offer. This resulted in various actions and reactions against the West, but the Islamic world still experienced that it was behind the contemporary world. Its retrogression has been blamed on the failure of the Muslim society to transform the theoretical civilisation framework of Islam into an operational form, while the West has kept and enhanced its parameters. The problematic issues taking the two civilisations into the twenty-first century are what adjustments are to be made to ensure survival. The question is in what manner Islam can be modernised or whether modernity must be Islamised and what adjustments are going to be forthcoming from the Arab world. The choice is between submitting to one of the contending versions of modern civilisation that are offered to them, merging their own culture and identity in a larger and dominating whole, or following those who urge them to turn their backs upon the West. In this manner they may succeed in renewing their society from within, meeting the West on terms of equirco-operation.

Drawing on Ottoman and British archival sources as well as published materials in Arabic and modern Turkish, this dissertation analyzes how the Hijaz and the hajj to Mecca simultaneously became objects of Ottoman modernization, global public health, international law, and inter-imperial competition during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I argue that from the early 1880s onward, Ottoman administrators embarked on an ambitious redefinition of the empire’s Arab tribal frontiers. Through modern engineering, technology, medicine, and ethnography, they set out to manage human life and the resources needed to sustain it, transform Bedouins into proper subjects, and gradually replace autonomous political life with more rigorous forms of territorial power. At the same time, with the advent of the steamship colonial regimes identified Mecca as the source of a “twin infection” of sanitary and security threats. Repeated outbreaks of cholera marked steamship-going pilgrimage traffic as a dangerous form of travel and a vehicle for the globalization of epidemic diseases. European, especially British Indian, officials feared that lengthy sojourns in Arabia might expose their Muslim subjects to radicalizing influences from diasporic networks of anti-colonial dissidents and pan-Islamic activists. In contrast to scholarship framing biopolitical surveillance over the hajj as a colonial project, I emphasize the interplay between European and Ottoman visions of quarantines, medical inspections, steamship regulations, passports, and border controls. As with other more overtly strategic projects, such as rail and telegraph lines, I argue that the Ottoman state sought to harness the increasing medicalization of the hajj, Hijazi society, and the Arabian environment as part of a broader assemblage of efforts to consolidate its autonomous southern frontiers. Although historians have frequently held up the Hijaz and the pilgrimage to Mecca as natural assets for the invention of Hamidian tradition and legitimacy, they have often failed to recognize or clearly articulate how the very globalizing technologies of steam, print, and telegraphy, which made the dissemination and management of the Sultan-Caliph’s carefully curated image possible, were only just beginning to make the erection of more meaningful structures of Ottoman governmentality, biopolitical security, and territorial sovereignty in the Hijaz possible. And while modern technologies clearly lay at the very heart of the Hamidian impulse to reform, develop, and modernize the empire, concomitantly these very same technologies were also extending British India’s extraterritorial reach into the Hijaz. Thus, as an alternative to the traditional “Pan-Islamic” framing of the late Ottoman Hijaz, this study seeks to identify the assemblages of legal, documentary, technological, scientific, and environmental questions, the “everyday details” and quotidian “mechanics,” which were actually escalating and intensifying Anglo-Ottoman and wider international clashes over the status of the Hijaz and the administration of the hajj. In a sense, this dissertation is also a history of negation, absence, and contradiction. In order to better understand the possibilities and the limits of late Ottoman rule in the Hijaz, I spend much of this study detailing the enormous obstacles to territorial sovereignty and modern governmentality through an investigation of their Janus-faced inversions, autonomy and extraterritoriality. I argue that the autonomous legal status, exceptions, and special privileges enjoyed by both the Sharifate of Mecca and the Hijazi population (Bedouin and urban) laid bare the compromised nature and limits of Ottoman sovereignty and provided both the gateway and the rationale for the extension of the Capitulations and European extraterritorial protection into corners of the Ottoman world and Muslim spiritual affairs, which prior to the late-nineteenth century had been inconceivable.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Erlangen, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Radboud University Nijmegen, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 304-343).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Kullīyat al-Imām al-Awzāʻī lil-Dirāsāt al-Islāmīyah, 1989. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, p. 1089-1123) and indexes.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sociol.--Paris--École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 2000. / La p. de titre porte en plus : "autour de la rissala (épître), "Les plus clairs arguments qui nécessitent la réforme des zawaya kabyles" d'Ibnou Zakri (1853-1914), clerc officiel dans l'Algérie coloniale, publiée à Alger, aux Éditions Fontana en 1903" Contient la trad. française par Kamel Chachoua suivie du texte arabe de la rissala d'Ibnou Zakri. Glossaire.

Islamic resurgent movements have striven to accomplish an Islamic way of life off their own version of an Islamic state, struggling against the socio-economic and political objectives of governments. While autocratic governments have used religion to ensure their legitimacy, Islamic resurgence has professed to have as its objective the establishment of an Islamic dispensation. Resurgent movements aspire towards a greater unity of religion and politics, domains that cannot be separated. Religion provides them with a framework for the transformation. However, factors responsible for the anger and alienation of the Islamic resurgence are still disputed. Their modus operandi is often frowned upon, overshadowing their driving forces. Therefore the purpose of this study is to determine the true motivations, objectives and modus operandi of Islamic resurgence in Egypt. The role of Islam in their motivation, aim and modus operandi is scrutinised together with other crucial factors which need to be investigated. While ideology determines the broad political and socio-economic paradigm, religion serves as the guiding principle for their implementation. The application of religious principles, in turn, is determined by personalities and circumstances. While Islam has a set of generally agreed upon specifications, interpretations have different deviations in every historical context. As a matter of fact, the unique factors pertaining to time and place are experienced during each political period in the history of Egypt influenced resurgence. This study contends that the motivational factors for the development of Islamic resurgent movements during the 20th and 21st century may be said to be a response to Westernisation brought about by external sources, government and civil society or the West itself. On the other hand, animosity towards a foreign culture seems to be more a reaction against the manner in which the foreign culture has been imposed and not to be directed in the first place against those that represent the foreign culture. Thus, it is not so much aimed against the Western world as against the manner in which the political and socio-economic conditions in the Muslim world have been allowed to develop, albeit with Western help. Even though some argue that the objectives of resurgent movements of an Islamic dispensation are idealistic, not attainable and a threat to the West, this manner of arguing misses the point. The thesis maintains that, in the absence of an inclusive and acceptable political and socio-economic system, an external system has been adopted, and this has added to alienation. As a result both the government and the system have been rejected. Positively stated, the objectives of Islamic resurgent movements seem to have been to achieve an inclusive political system within the frame of reference of the Islamic religion. The aim was not so much to achieve an Islamic state, as a dispensation in which the stipulations of Islam were central aspects. For resurgent movements, Islam had to be more than tokenism providing legitimacy to leaders. In achieving their objectives a variety of modi operandi have been applied, ranging from moderate measures to calling for total-Jihad. A multifaceted society has also determined the differences in modus operandi and objectives of the Islamic resurgent movements. The approaches of Islamic resurgent movements are diverse and they do not have a common agenda or modus operandi. To analyse the objectives of Islamic resurgent movements according to their violent manifestations only is to misunderstand their arguments. These movements are usually seeking a system inclusive of Islam simply because it is their way of life, their culture. Radical and moderate reactions have been determined by convictions based on different diagnoses of the problems at hand as well as different diagnoses of how to deal with the problems within the appropriate spheres of politics, religion and socio-economics. Because Islam provides unity to man, resurgent movements will always seek their objectives of getting rid of political and socio-economic exclusion and replacing it with a system inclusive of all. However, Muslims will have to find a way of achieving their aims and objectives in a modern world. In this process, the outside world can facilitate, but not dictate. Unless future governmental changes in Egypt provide a political and socially integrated society and have promised goods and services delivered, resurgence will continue to appear in various formats. At the same time, generating a workable system would have to take place in relative isolation without coercion from the West for political gain or political dominance. / Prof. J.F.J. van Rensburg

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before one can articulate the theory and practice of Islamic psychology, or speak of its relationship to, or integration with, secular psychology, it is imperative that its metatheoretical underpinnings be articulated and understood from the outset. It is argued that this is especially important for the reader steeped in the Western scientific tradition, since its secular metatheory has proved insufficient in accommodating the Islamic worldview. Psychology in Islam is preoccupied with the afterlife - as a result, the subjects of mental disorder and psychotherapy are heavily invested with religious and moral significance. Mental disorder refers to such traits as lead to personal destruction in the hereafter, while psychotherapy entails both the observance of all (external) religious obligations as well as the (internal) purification of the self This paper demonstrates firstly that Islamic psychology is a legitimate intellectual domain. That, secondly, from an Islamic perspective, psychological theory is useless and dangerous without a pious practitioner, and, thirdly, that the methodological hierarchy that yields psychological theory is the opposite of its secular version. Lastly, it is argued that while Sunni Islam dismisses the notion of free will, this in no way diminishes the relevance ofIslamic psychology. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voordat die teorie en praktyk van 'n Islamitiese sielkunde uiteengesit kan word, en voordat daar sprake kan wees van die verwantskap of integrasie hiervan met sekulêre sielkunde, is dit noodsaaklik dat die metateoretiese onderbou daarvan uiteengesit en begryp moet word. Dit word aangevoer dat dit veral belangrik is vir die leser wat geweek is in die Westerse wetenskaplike tradisie aangesien die sekulêre metateorie van laasgenoemde nie voldoende is om die Islamitiese wêreld beskouing te akkomodeer nie. Sielkunde binne Islam is behep met die lewe in die hiernamaals met die gevolg dat die onderwerpe van geestesversteuring en psigoterapie swaar gelaai is met godsdienstige en morele oorwegings. Geestesversteurings verwys na sodanige eienskappe wat tot vernietiging in die hiernamaals sal lei, terwyl psigoterapie die nakoming van alle eksterne godsdienstige verpligtinge sowel as die interne reiniging van die self veronderstel. Hierdie tesis demonstreer, eerstens, dat Islamitiese sielkunde wel 'n legitieme veld van intellektuele ondersoek is. Tweedens, word daar, uit 'n Islamitiese perspektief, aangedui dat sielkundige teorie gevaarlik en nutteloos is sonder 'n godsdienstige praktisyn, en derdens dat die metodologiese hiërargie wat sielkundige teorie lewer die teenoorgestelde is van sy sekulêre weergawe. Laastens word daar geargumenteer dat terwyl Sunni Islam die begrip van vrye wilontsê, word die relevansie van 'n Islamitiese sielkunde nie daardeur ondermyn nie.