The thesis examines society-military relations with a focus on the contemporary Russian case. In doing this, it develops the Society-Military Interface (SMI), created by Stephen Webber and Jennifer Mathers (2006), and produces a typology of society-military relations. The SMI allows the inclusion of public and daily interactions which adds an additional layer of insight into the analysis of society-military relations. Although contemporary Russia is frequently characterised as a sub-optimal version of a democratic ideal or represents a return to the Soviet past, the thesis argues that post-Soviet Russia is militarised and that the sub-elite level of analysis can provide a meaningful insight into a Russian society-military relations. The original empirical material of the thesis is organised into four chapters examining twelve individual indicators of militarisation such as: military spending, civilian control, and everyday militarisation. The thesis seeks to offer an original contribution to the literature on civil-military relations and Russian politics, in three ways. Firstly, it explores society-military relations in terms of militarisation. Secondly, it analyses interactions beyond the experience of the West, such as mechanisms of civilian control rooted in executive power rather than legislative oversight. Thirdly, it removes the dichotomy of external armed forces and internal security services which has thus far dominated the literature. This allows the ‘military organisation’, comprised of the full range of ‘power ministries’, to be included in the analysis. As the thesis seeks to demonstrate, analysis of these institutions is crucial to understanding contemporary Russian society-military relations. These three elements challenge the approaches of the existing literature which predominantly focus on: elite level interactions (military and political); institutions controlled by the MOD (Armed Forces); and society-military relations defined in liberal-democratic terms.

Through a historical account of the Pro-Canada/Action Canada Network (PCN/ACN), this dissertation examines coalition formation among social movements. It argues that the complex process of cross-sectoral coalition formation and thus the potential for convergence of social movements can best be understood by combining elements of different analytical frameworks. This dissertation draws on elements of the two dominant paradigms for the study of social movements, resource mobilization theory and new social movement theory. Specifically, it utilizes the formers' attention to the specifics of organization and structure and the latter's focus on the discursive formation of identities. Both are then combined with the uniquely Canadian but theoretically underdeveloped concept of the popular sector and a neo-gramscian perspective on social formation and mobilization that draws on political economy and class-analytical traditions. With its formation in 1988 around opposition to the Canada - U.S. Free Trade Agreement, the PCN/ACN was an early example of a broader trend for trade and investment to become key arenas for social and political contention at the turn of the century. This dissertation challenges the assumptions of most analytical frameworks concerning the limits to coalition formation and argues that the nature of the unifying issue is an important determinant of the potential for the growth and deepening of social alliances. After reviewing the historical conjuncture in which the PCN/ACN emerged, this dissertation traces the history of key sectors and member organizations - labour, women and ecumenical justice - paying specific attention to their approach to political engagement and the issue of free trade. As a result, it establishes the necessary background to understand both the initial basis for unity and the Network's progression beyond a lowest common denominator alliance around a single issue, to a broader mandate. This dissertation provides empirical evidence on which to judge the potential of social movements to displace other discourses and agencies on the left. Given the contemporary interest in the role of social movements, NGOs and civil society, this dissertation provides some essential signposts for two types of practitioners: academics seeking to understand outcomes and activists hoping to determine them.

The dynamics of inter-state relations and state sovereignty have been disturbed by late-20th century globalisation. Yet the literature on the international system, globalisation and international political economy gives scant attention to the most vulnerable sovereign entities, the small and micro states. One significant exception has been the Commonwealth, with its many small state members. Another is the area of financial crime, and the role of the offshore financial centre (OFC) within global finance. This thesis analyses the efforts of several small Commonwealth states from the Caribbean to maintain their OFCs in the face of an OECD-directed campaign against tax competition. It demonstrates both the contribution made to economic development by an OFC and the successful assertion of sovereignty achieved by these small states. The case study focuses on Caribbean OFCs and the OECD campaign against harmful tax competition during 1998 - 2003. First, the argument that tax competition is a global problem is deconstructed. Three main points from the small states’ response to the OECD position are explored, along with the OECD’s rebuttal. Because the small states are individually at a disadvantage, the thesis provides an exposition of the collective response facilitated by the Commonwealth. The OFC is justified by its material contribution to the small state economy. Specific contributions made to the economies of the Bahamas, Dominica, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and the Cayman Islands are demonstrated. The pivotal impact of U.S. policy on the OECD project and on Caribbean OFCs is explored. Yet while one effect was a decline in the number of registered offshore firms, the quantity of capital transiting the Caribbean increased. This study of small states and offshore finance re-affirms the continued relevance of the sovereign state as an actor in international society, but also illustrates the importance of issue-area and geographical context.

This thesis contributes to the study of the role of information in elections and public policy formation. Its main focus is on information acquisition and voting behaviour. Chapter 1 discusses the motivation of this research and presents a survey of related literature. Chapter 2 focuses on electoral turnout, Chapter 3 on public policy, and Chapter 4 on mass media. Chapter 2 studies the impact of information on electoral turnout. Since incentives to be informed are correlated with other incentives to participate in public life, a model of information acquisition and turnout is introduced to isolate potential instrumental variables and try to establish a causal relation. Results are tested on the 1997 General Election in Britain. It is shown that information, as well as ideology, matters for turnout. It also contributes to explain the systematic correlation of turnout with variables like education and income. Voters' knowledge of candidates and of other political issues is also substantially influenced by mass media. Chapter 3 presents a model that links the distribution of political knowledge with redistributive policies. It argues that voters can have private incentives to be informed about politics and that such incentives are correlated with income. Therefore redistribution will be systematically lower than what the median voter theorem predicts. Moreover, more inequality does not necessarily lead to an increase in redistribution and constitutional restrictions might have unintended consequences. In Chapter 4 it is argued that instrumentally motivated voters should increase their demand for information when elections are close. In supplying news, mass media should take into account information demand, as well as the value of customers to advertisers and the cost of reaching marginal readers. Information supply should therefore be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, the population is on average more valuable for advertisers, and the population density is higher. These conclusions are then tested with good results on data from the 1997 General Election in Britain.

The thesis considers ethno-territorial conflicts in which there are two conflict groups with corresponding ‘reference states’. ‘Reference states’ are internationally recognised states with co-nationals in the aforementioned disputed territory. The literature on ethno-national conflict regulation largely neglects the potential constructive role of ‘reference states’. In particular, Arend Lijphart’s work on consociational democracy focuses on elite accommodation within the conflict zone, but views other agents as ‘external’ to the dispute. Unlike most of the current ethnic conflict literature, the thesis will use a theoretical approach to derive the features of a settlement, not distil traits from purely empirical research. An informal model is employed assuming that that a military option is not open to reference states and that disengagement from the co-nationals is costly. The actions of the reference state are simplified to four options: remaining at the same level of conflict, escalating the dispute, attempting cooperation, or disengaging from the dispute. The features derived for the resulting transnational consociation settlement are: durable reference state/conational links, bipartisanship within reference states, intergovernmentalism between reference states, and consociational democracy internal to the disputed territory. The thesis then focuses on the post-conflict power-sharing settlements in Bosnia- Hercegovina and in Northern Ireland to investigate the features of transnational consociation in these two cases. The settlement after the Belfast Agreement exhibits the traits of transnational consociation, with a strong intergovernmental Dublin- London axis acting as reliable long-term guarantors of the settlement. By contrast, there is little intergovernmentalism between Zagreb and Belgrade regarding the settlement in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The post-conflict institutions are held together by international agencies that do not have as durable a link to the conflict zone as the ‘reference states’. Therefore, a durable transnational consociation with the ‘reference states’ as guarantors is more likely in Northern Ireland than in Bosnia-Hercegovina.

This thesis aims to investigate the way in which anarchism - both as a means of theoretical political dissent as well as a practical tool of shock - was transformed from the `chaotic' intent of first wave punk towards a more informed political ideology in the emerging `anarcho-punk' scene of the 1980s. In particular, I wish to explore the way in which ideas surrounding `anarcho' and `punk' were fused together so as to provide a space where individuals could develop a more `informed lifestyle' in expressing a subversive distaste towards corporate forms of oppression such as multinationals, governments and the police. Chapter one will provide an overview of punk within a wider history of political and philosophical dissent, exploring ideas that link it to a continuing thread of agitation akin to groups such as the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and Situationism. This debate will be further explored in chapter two. With particular attention to the music of the Sex Pistols, I wish to explore the extent to which the break down of the post-war consensus, and the resultant economic crisis in Britain in the 1970s, nurtured a social, political and musical environment for first wave punk to flourish. The anarcho-punk scene proper is introduced in the main body of this work. Here, I will turn primarily to the way in which the musical characteristics of the anarchopunk movement encompass the twin ideals of `punk' and `anarchism' so as to provide a new form of organised dissent towards a capitalist system seen to embody oppression and uniformity. In particular, I wish to explore the extent to which the practical realities of applying a complex political system such as anarchism had repercussions on the transformation of the British punk scene as a whole.

The study offers an insight into the dynamics of the relationship between political risk and multinational firms in the context of emerging markets. Political Risk Assessment (PRA) importance for multinational firms investing in emerging markets has increased significantly with the growing rate of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) globally. It is used for managing political risk, and decision-making processes during firms’ internationalisation, and has been identified as one of the key determinants of FDI into developing countries. However, only a few empirical studies on PRA have been undertaken in emerging markets. Previous studies have shown that political risk has been evolving and has resulted in a range of consequences that have influenced the type of strategies which firms adopt. It is in recognition of this that the need to identify a country’s specific political risk factors and their consequences for multinational firms that this study is undertaken in Nigeria. Despite the flux in the political environment of the country with its population divided along cultural, ethnic, language and religious lines within its different geographical regions, Nigeria has witnessed a continuous inflow of FDI. This research contributes to the assessment of political risk by critically analysing the determinants and indicators to examine how the consequences of political risk impact upon multinational firms, with a view to understanding the managerial practices associated with managing political risk in Nigeria. Six objectives were identified as follows: to investigate the determinants of political risk; to examine their impacts; to investigate the variables and indicators used to forecast political risk; to investigate the consequences of political risk; to explore practices of PRA in multinational firms and to identify strategies used to manage and mitigate political risk in Nigeria. Likewise, four hypotheses underpinning these objectives were formulated to understand the dynamics of the relationship between political risk and multinational firms. This study empirically used a sequential mixed method strategy to analyse statistically as well as using thematic and content analysis data collected through a multi-method approach from 74 multinational firms in Nigeria. The dataset of the International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) PRA annual rating for Nigeria within the period 2011 to 2015 was also analysed. The study identifies eight determinants that contribute to the emergence of political risk. It highlighted factors that influence the consequences of political risk on multinational firms which supports the conceptual premise for identifying reasons why firms manage and mitigate political risk in countries, and why some internationalise into specific countries. Empirically, it showed that the impact of political risk varies from one part of a country to another, as do the consequences of their impacts which inform why multinational firms are located more in some parts of the country, and how the consequences of political risk will differ between firms, depending on their location in a country. These findings have implications for practice and showed that firms could improve their conduct of PRA, influence the type of strategies they adopt and how to explore quantitative PRA methodologies when operating in similar emerging markets. This study also showed that some risk indicators used for forecasting political risk appeared major and did not retain the same value within the country. The case of Nigeria showed that the presence of high political risk does not deter firms if the financial and economic risk is low. It reveals also that the practice of PRA differs within firms and that the strategies used to mitigate political risk mostly involve the conduct of PRA and engagement in Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR).

Scotland’s Future, The Scottish Government’s guide to independence proposed cooperation with the Nordic Council amongst multiple external relations objectives, a continuation of references by independence supporting elites to the region that stretch decades. Closer cooperation with Norden as pronounced in the paper implies that the Nordic Council serves at least two functions, firstly, a basis for fostering a rejuvenated Council of the British Isles based on the Nordic Council framework (Qvotrup, 2009; Bogdanor, 2009), and secondly, formal political and societal union with the Nordic region (Bailes, Þórhallsson and Johnstone 2013). Both functions permeate from the rejection of Scotland’s current union with rUK, and SNP rhetoric of ‘independence within Europe’ suggesting that senior politicians have no qualms in leaving one union for another. Scholarly references tend to narrow on discourse linking independence to the creation of a Nordic welfare model with little attention to formal regional unification through the Nordic Council. This thesis therefore studies the independence movement’s use of Norden and explores both the context and purpose of Scottish-Nordic articulations. It finds that most political groups sympathetic to independence desire cooperation with Norden but not to the detriment of future relations with rUK in the event of independence. The use of Norden is not solely a desire to replicate Nordic models of welfare as many scholars argue, but rather, Norden invokes a political and societal partner that emphasises the movement’s progressive ambitions. The pursuit of Norden as a union ultimately stems from the collapse of the UK’s welfare union and the damaging effects of a unitary and confined constitutional system, meaning that the political elite favour a societal and political approach to union like that of Norden and for some elites, an actual political and societal union with the region.

This work investigatest he factors that have led to Poland and Romania's different evolutionaryp aths during the process of accession to the EU, placing an emphasis on security concerns, foreign direct investment and the interplay between the two. We identify two sets of determinants of the accession process, one in the political sphere and one in the economic sphere. Each set of determinants, be it in the political or economic sphere, has the potential to constitute a vicious or a virtuous circle which includes the prospect of EU membership itself. Furthermore, each of these circles is self reinforcing and can reinforce the corresponding circle in the other sphere. Finally, political and economic elements of the circles considered here can constitutes ecurity concerns for each of the countries analysed, while FDI represents a main element of the economic circle. We find that until 1996 Romania has been trapped in a combination of two vicious circles in both the political and economic spheres, while Poland has benefited from a combination of two virtuous circles since 1993. We test the hypothesis that, by changing perceptions of security and enhancing FDI, the prospect of EU membership can break the vicious economic circle of high perceptions of insecurity, low FDI, slow reforms, poor prospects for EU integration and hence high perceptions of insecurity in which Romania has been trapped. This is achieved firstly by a qualitative comparative analysis between Poland and Romania with regard to the determinants of FDI and the nature of their security concerns. Secondly, an econometric model assesses the determinants of FDI in ten transition countries candidates for EU membership and in particular the role of security and European integration variables. Our results support the hypothesis that, by creating positive perceptions of security of the candidate countries (especially of poor reformers), the prospect of EU membership may enhance FDI, thus speeding up economic reforms, leading to full membership of the Union and hence positive perceptions of security.It also appears that the prospect of EU membership can lead to a virtuous circle in the economic sphere through providing motivation for economic reforms and through financial aid and its impact on foreign direct investment and economic reforms.

Academic knowledge production on Palestine and its people has been very resonant for decades. Yet, and despite the high frequency of production, some aspects of Palestine and Palestinians have not been investigated nor brought together thus far. This composition fuses three reverberations that accompany Palestinians living away from their homeland: statelessness, diasporisation, and (de)mobilisation. The dissertation is approaching the study of the Palestinian diaspora as a musical composition which has not been heard yet, for that the study of Palestinians as a diaspora is yet to generate audible sounds, the study of stateless diasporas in general still falls under the category of abnormal, an investigation of the Palestinian diaspora’s political mobilisation is nonexistent, and the study of Palestinian statelessness under a non-legal lens has been mute so far, leaving a wide gap deserving further investigation. By studying the cases of Palestinian diasporisation in the heterogeneous settings of Belgium, Jordan, and Lebanon, and fusing a set of methodological approaches including taxonomy of analysis, (participant) observation, exploring verbal and nonverbal communication via interviews, and examining space & material culture, this research aims to investigate the effects of statelessness on the shapes, intensities, and dynamics of diaspora organisation and mobilisation. Investigating the heterogeneities of the Palestinian diaspora’s political mobilisation in the three studied cases echoed the criticality of the role of statelessness in homogenising what would otherwise remain heterogeneous due to the immense differences in the settings enabling or disabling movement. The effects of this statelessness, this absence of a backbone, touch various diaspora-specific elements including Palestinian-ness, historiographies, geographies, temporalities, autonomization, organisation, and mobilisation. All of which are aspects this composition investigates thematically by mapping theory to empirical findings. Fusing statelessness, diasporisation, and political mobilisation can open alternative doors to understanding peoples belonging to homelands not enjoying a state status in the era of states, examples of which are Kurds, Circassians, and Roma, to name a few. It helps comprehend the actions of peoples attempting to embrace their homeland by mobilising for its causes despite being isolated from it. Furthermore, studying the abnormal is a way to understanding both abnormal and normal alike; therefore, studying the stateless diasporas can help in reaching to better understandings of the stateless and the state-linked diasporas.